Doctoral Degrees (Ethics Studies)

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Corruption and patronage in post-colonial Sub-Saharan Africa: an Afrocentric ethical critique.
(2019) Khasoane, Napo Claudius.; Murove, Munyaradzi Felix.
Corruption has become one of the worrying plagues that affect political and socio-economic conditions of nations globally. Sub-Saharan Africa is one of the regions that is adversely affected by the effects of this menace. Even though corruption has attracted a lot of scholarship in the region, less attention has been paid to the role of political patronage and entitlement ethos on corruption prevalence. As a result, this thesis argues that the symbiotic relationship between political patronage and a strong sense of entitlement by politicians leads to endemic corruption in the region. The study adopts conceptual analysis method whereby corruption, patronage and entitlement are critically analysed. These concepts are analysed in the context of the struggle politics that characterised the transition from colonialism to post-colonialism and entitlement ethos portrayed by the national liberation movements that became governments. In order to establish the influence of patronage and entitlement on corruption, the study addresses various concerns. The key concerns include ascertaining the role of political patronage towards pervasive corruption in the governments of post-colonial sub-Saharan African countries, the metamorphosis of corrupt culture by the ruling liberation parties into entitlement ethos and the determination of the role that African ethics can play towards proffering a tenable and contextually relevant basis for critiquing corruption in the region. To respond to these concerns, the study established a conceptual interface between corruption and patronage. The study also traced how corruption became a corollary of weak colonial governments’ institutions, which were later inherited by independent governments. The study argues that from a monopolistic sense of legitimacy that characterised national liberation movements’ the political culture of entitlement has led to endemic corruption. Governments of former liberation movements have exhibited these characteristics through their dictatorial, predatory and entitlement political culture as a means of preserving their purported exclusive right to rule. In the light of the above observations, it is concluded that the manner in which political patronage and entitlement ethos were exercised by the national liberation movements that became governments have led to endemic corruption. African ethics is therefore adopted as the relevant critical tool upon which corruption and the ethos of entitlement in the sub-Saharan African region are critiqued. Based on its contextual relevance and ability to prioritize the wellbeing of the community above individual self-interest, African ethics has a potential to provide a tenable basis for anti-corruption discourse in the region and thus inform effective anti-corruption strategies.
A critical study of the ethical challenges to United Nations peacekeeping missions and national sovereignty in Africa with specific reference to Congo, Somalia, Rwanda and Sudan.
(2017) Chingono, Herbert.; Murove, Munyaradzi Felix.
Africa has become the epicentre and experimental laboratory for UN peacekeeping missions. The UN peacekeeping doctrine has evolved through numerous operational experiments in Africa culminating in the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine that has been erroneously portrayed as the doctrine of harmony of interests and of international solidarity designed to serve international interests. This thesis concludes that the UN peacekeeping doctrine conceals the fact that it is primarily designed to advance the self-interests of the big powers at the expense of the weak states in conflict situations. This thesis demonstrates that UN peacekeeping missions facilitate the continued looting of Africa’s natural resources by big powers whose international policies are designed to entrench their privileged positions in violation of host state sovereignty and at the expense of the suffering populations. UN peacekeeping missions have been unethically used to facilitate regime change agendas in countries whose leaders would have fallen out of favour with the US and its Western allies. In this regard, humanitarian and other altruistic justifications for peacekeepers’ deployment have been used to camouflage and conceal the true nefarious intentions of the big powers in what is known as “organized hypocrisy” on the part of the main sponsors of UN peacekeeping operations. The study revealed that African countries with greater geo-political and geo-strategic importance receive significantly higher attention and probability for UN peacekeeping deployments and not countries with the highest human suffering requiring the most urgent international attention. The study demonstrated that it is a myth and a fallacy to believe that UN peacekeepers deployed in Africa serve the interests of local populations affected by conflicts. UN peacekeepers were accomplices in the assassinations of national leaders of Congo and Rwanda. In Somalia, the most powerful warlord was targeted for assassination by UN peacekeepers while in Sudan, the sitting head of state was indicted for prosecution at The Hague. The UNSC response to the genocide in Rwanda was morally and ethically reprehensible. In countries of no significant geo-strategic or economic interests, the big powers resort to what has been termed “collective waffling” as part of “organized hypocrisy.” In that regard African leaders must prioritise the protection of their populations as it is their internationally acknowledged responsibility to protect their own civilian populations without relying on foreign peacekeepers to play that vital role.
The cultural roots of corruption : an ethical investigation with particular reference to nepotism.
(2017) Otaluka, Wisdom Okwuoma.; Murove, Munyaradzi Felix.; Matolino, Bernard.
Since the demise of colonialism, corruption in Africa has gone from an alarming proportion to a critical stage. There is hardly any sector of the economy that is not ravaged by this hydra headed-monster. The most obvious of these practices is nepotism which is rooted in the culture of the people. This cultural dimension creates some confusion on how to understand nepotism in relation to corruption in Africa. Thus, while some people denounce the high rate of corruption in Africa as it concerns nepotism, there are those who think they have justifiable reasons to engage in the practice. Still, there are others, who engage in the practice without the consciousness of the moral implication. Those who think that there is nothing wrong with nepotism anchor their argument on the fact that it is embedded in the culture of the people. For instance, many civil servants are involved in corruption because when they come into office, they are obliged by sense of family responsibilities to use their relatives who are not qualified against the qualified applicants who are not related to them, to build up public offices. Hence, while most civil servants are aware of the rules against nepotism, they still go ahead to indulge in the practice because they believe that such rules are contrary to African culture and therefore should not be obeyed. When these three positions are placed side by side, a central problem arises and can be formulated as follows: is there a cultural dimension to the problem of corruption, especially nepotism in Africa? This thesis therefore is a rigorous analysis of the causes, effects and possible solutions to the problem of corruption with special reference to nepotism in Africa. The thesis stated particularly that African cultural practices of gift-giving and the extended family system encourage corruption particularly in the form of nepotism. It therefore uses African ethical theories of Ubuntu or African communalism, alongside cultural relativism and moderate partialism or relationality to argue that corruption in the form of nepotism is the problem of Africa and that to rid Africa of corruption and put her solidly on the path of sustainable development, merit rather than nepotism should guide public transactions. Critical and historical analyses are used for the methodology.
The demystification of masculinity and gender in United Nations peacekeeping operations in Africa South of the Sahara: a critical Afrocentric feminist ethical study.
(2019) Gunduza, Lioba Tendai.; Murove, Munyaradzi Felix.
Globally, there are intensified efforts towards gender changes in peacekeeping operations. Females are gradually assuming some of the critical roles in United Nations (UN) Peacekeeping operations (UNPKOs). This development is slowly displacing the conventional belief that male soldiers are by nature more courageous than their female counterparts. In the African context, the prevalence of both intra- and inter-state conflicts has created an imperative to integrate women into several peacekeeping operations. A more perplexing development however, is that both female soldiers and female civilians working under the UN peacekeeping missions find themselves vulnerable to sexual abuse? Male soldiers and male civilians serving under the UN peacekeeping operations are usually the perpetrators. The problem has been amplified by the mere fact that in most cases, males take command responsibility of the peacekeeping missions and suppress the cases of abuse that are reported to them by the female victims. This perverse challenge of female sexual violation during peacekeeping operations explains the continued existence of masculinities, patriarchy and stereotypes deeply entrenched in most African societies. The UN system is not immune to this problem. Since women are the main victims of sexual abuse in UNPKOs, this study questions why the UN has allowed the abused women to report these gross violations of their dignity to the same perpetrators who are in most cases in charge of these UNPKOs. This deficiency in UNPKOs points to the ethical institutional shortcomings of the UN as well as the deep-seated cultural, unethical and social beliefs and practices which foster gender disparities and emphasize masculinities. The research problem therefore relates to the ethical gender dimensions and considerations of UN peacekeeping, particularly in Africa, in relation to the sexual exploitation and abuse of women during the UNPKOs by both male civilian peacekeepers and male combatants. Considering the above profiled problem, this study sought to elucidate the effects and impact of masculinity and gender in UNPKOs in Africa south of the Sahara. Examples of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and South Sudan have been selected, given the volatile nature of the political situation in the two countries. The DRC and South Sudan have also been selected because they are currently among Africa’s most troubled zones and have recorded high incidents of female sexual abuse. More disturbing is that UNPKOs have been running in these selected countries for a long time without proffering a lasting solution to the challenge of sexual offences against women in peacekeeping operations. A triad theoretical approach involving gender and masculinity, the feminist ethical theory of care, and the gendered dimension of conflict reconstruction for peace and security were deployed as lenses through which to analyse the challenge of female sexual abuses during the UN peacekeeping operations. The qualitative nature of the problem being examined made it imperative to utilize documentary research as a tool for data gathering. This involved reviewing official UN reports on women and peacekeeping, DRC and South Soudan reports on gendered dimensions of the conflict, as well as the general human security situation in the two case studies. Reviewed also are scholarly writings on gender, masculinity and peacekeeping that resonated with the problem being examined. Inductive content analysis was utilized to extract key themes and ideas from the reviewed documentary sources. Study findings were that the human security ramifications of conflict and war have shown that women and young girls are affected differently compared to their male counterparts. They experience violence prior to, in the course of, and subsequent to armed conflicts differently, and have dissimilar vulnerabilities, insecurities and coping mechanisms as well. It emerged that societal interpretations and perceptions of gender and masculinity have contributed significantly to the marginalisation of women in UNPKOs as well as the sexual abuse of women and young girls during conflict. Further findings from the study revealed that throughout the evolution and development of peacekeeping, there has been a challenge of militarized and hegemonic masculinities. This has contributed to systematic undermining of women and gender issues from peacekeeping processes. The study found that gender imbalances within the UNPKOs created an impetus for ethical considerations regarding the need for gender equity to attend effectively to the needs of women in conflict, to recognize the status and contribution to peacekeeping initiatives, as well as to include women in peacekeeping, considering that armed conflict affects them in a relatively greater way than their male counterparts. As a contribution to the body of knowledge, the study argued for an Afrocentric feminist ethical perspective in UNPKOs to promote gender inclusivity. It recommends research towards integrating indigenous conflict management approaches in African conflicts particularly to reinforce the UN methods. In view of continued sexual exploitation and other vulnerabilities among women and young girls in conflict situations, the study recommends the adoption of more female-oriented approaches that will help in mitigating women-related abuses. An evaluation of the efficacy of various gender-based protocols adopted by the United Nations such as the Resolution 1325 of 2000 and the eight other resolutions that affirm protection of women during UNPKOs and conflicts showed that their effective implementation is hampered by a lack of political will by member states, as well as the deep-seated masculine culture which results in these gender-based protocols and resolutions being ‘talk shops’. The study calls for further research towards finding a framework for mobilizing political will to address conflict-related women abuse. In addition, the study observed a methodological gap because the study was purely desk-based research encompassing the reviewing primary and secondary data sources. Hence it recommended that there is need for future research to consider conducting interviews with female peacekeepers and female victims of peacekeeping operations as it will facilitate in capturing their original voices and lived experiences of conflict and peacekeeping-related sexual abuse.
Humanitarian military interventions in developing countries and the role of self interest : an ethical critique.
(2017) Chaminuka, Michael.; Murove, Munyaradzi Felix.
This study was an ethical investigation of humanitarian military interventions in developing countries. The main argument which is proffered in the study is that the issue of humanitarian military intervention is extremely controversial from an array of perspectives. Some of the controversies that have been identified in this study are as follows; that humanitarian military interventions which are mostly undertaken in developing countries by developed countries have worsened the political and security situation far much more than before the intervention, that humanitarian military interventions do violate international law especially on those instances when they are undertaken without the authorisation from the multilateral bodies such as the United Nations (UN) and its organ – the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), without authorisation from the UNSC the humanitarian military interventions do violate International law, whether humanitarian military interventions are acceptable or not, especially in the light that such interventions in most cases do violate nation-state sovereignty just to mention a few. For conceptualization purposes, the study set the scene by providing a conceptual definition of humanitarianism with the aim of delineating the meaning of this term from its use in other disciplines. It was asserted that when humanitarian is suffixed with military intervention the implication is that of the military intervening in particular socio-political context with the aim of alleviating human suffering. After providing this conceptual definition, the study went to provide a brief historical account of humanitarian military interventions from ancient times up to modern times. Within the modern era, the study provided examples in which it was shown that most of the literature on humanitarian military interventions which have been undertaken to date have been entangled in controversies showing that these interventions have often worsened the security situation of the intervened country far much more than what it was before intervention. The study went on to argue that the humanitarian military interventions that have been undertaken by powerful countries have been undertaken with the aim of protecting geo-strategic interests in those intervened countries. These geo-strategic interests included political influence, extraction of natural resources such as petroleum and minerals which are indispensable to the flourishing of the economies of powerful countries. In this regard interventions that have been undertaken in the Middle East, North and West Africa by powerful countries were based on the need to preserve traditional areas of influence for marketing and extraction of raw materials by powerful countries. As an example, it was argued that the current Syrian civil war has resulted in USA and Russia fighting a proxy war for geo-strategic influence in the Middle East. This proxy war has caused an unprecedented refugee pool since the end of World War 2. Multilateral efforts to transform humanitarian military interventions from the pursuit of geo-strategic interests by powerful countries have come in the form of the introduction of the UN doctrine of Responsibility to Protect. The presumption behind this doctrine is that as a sovereign, each nation-state has the responsibility to protect its citizens instead of relying entirely on humanitarian military intervention from powerful countries. The study has gone on to demonstrate through examples such as Ivory Coast, Libya and Syria that this doctrine has been undermined by powerful countries when powerful countries accused leaders of these respective countries of failing to protect their citizens. These accusations are mostly used as a pretext of overthrowing sovereign governments. Another attempt at curbing the excesses that go hand-in-glove with humanitarian military interventions is based on the attempt at emphasising the primacy of nation-state sovereignty. The study has shown that whilst those who do not believe in humanitarian military interventions appeal to nation-state sovereignty as an absolute binding norm that should regulate international relations under international law, some scholars argue against this absolutist position by maintaining that nation-state sovereignty should be respected on the condition that the given state is able to protect its citizens from gross human rights abuses and genocide. Despite these efforts to subvert humanitarian military interventions by the powerful on developing countries, the study went on to argue that the pursuit of national interests by the powerful countries poses ethical problems on the justifiability of humanitarian military interventions. An action can only be ethical when it helps to promote the wellbeing of the other. An action that promotes the wellbeing of the other is usually regarded as altruistic. The study argued that since humanitarian military interventions are not based on altruistic motives, these interventions do not have anything to do with morality but the pursuit of national interests. Whilst the prevalence of national interests dominates humanitarian military interventions in a way that undermines the existence of ethics in international relations, the study made the following recommendations among others; • That the conduct of HMI should be regulated by the use of regional organisations and non-interested parties with the UN acting as the supreme regulator. Coupled with this should be the production of an agreed upon HMI template to regulate the conduct of the intervening countries and their service personnel in order to limit or curtail abuses of HMI. • The creation of an international HMI fund that will be accessed and used in HMI. • Special training on the conduct of HMI to military as well as civilian personnel. This recommendation was influenced by the fact that in the conduct of HMI is different from conventional warfare. • That the pursuit of national self-interest within the community of nations should be done only through the authorisation of the UN if it is to promote the interest of the whole nation state. • The establishment of rules and regulations that would also allow for the prosecution of personnel that perpetrate war crimes and human rights violations while conducting HMI.
Indigenisation/black economic empowerment and the appropriation of the spirit of capitalism in post-colonial Africa: a critical study on the emergence of African business ethics.
(2018) Rushwaya, Martin.; Murove, Munyaradzi Felix.
In this study I have argued that BEE/indigenization policies in post-colonial Africa have been implemented with the aim that capitalism could be appropriated by indigenous Africans. Since capitalism arrived in Africa through colonialism, the post-colonial socio-economic policy of indigenization was deemed a solution for correcting the economic imbalances that were created by colonialism. Some scholars and politicians argued that the capitalist values that were mediated to Africa were contrary to the Weberian values of the Protestant ethic such as frugality, thrift and hard work which became integral to modern capitalism in the Western world. For this reason, it was argued that colonialism did not facilitate the appropriation of modern capitalism. African traditional communitarian values were also deemed to be contrary to modern capitalistic values that were mainly based on atomic individualism. Contrary to modern capitalistic values of atomic individualism, African communitarians argued that African traditional society was communitarian, thus refuting the Hobessian contractarian theory of social existence and atomic individualism. Communalistic ontology of society as espoused in the African kinship system is based on the presumption that persons are persons because of their natural common belongingness with others in society. The African communalistic ontology of society is also espoused in the African ethic of Ubuntu. The ethic of Ubuntu is found to be incommensurable with individualistic capitalistic practices. However, there are some scholars who have argued implicitly that the ethic of Ubuntu should be infused in modern capitalistic practices so that there could be an appropriation of capitalism in post-colonial Africa. Some post-colonial African scholars have argued that the emphasis that was given to communal wellbeing in African traditional society were rather inhibitive towards the appropriation of modern capitalism. Scholars who argued for the indigenization of capitalism have argued that such a policy had nothing to do with the appropriation of capitalism, but a deliberate attempt at creating African capitalists who would end up replacing the previous colonial capitalistic class. It was also argued that since capitalism was mediated through colonialism, some African nationalists have argued that African traditional values were commensurate with socialism. Their aim was thus not about the appropriation of capitalism, but rather the appropriation of socialism. The argument of African socialism was contracted by those historians who have argued that the initial appropriation of capitalism in Africa was enabled by Christianity instead of African traditional values. Finally, it was argued in this study that the indigenization or BEE has been supported by many post-colonial African governments as an ethical imperative aimed at the redressing the economic inequalities of colonialism and apartheid. BEE/indigenization is thus a policy aimed at creating socio-economic policies that would enable black people to participate in their national economies. In this regard, the BEE/indigenization socio-economic policy is aimed at promoting the common good. However, the problem inherent in this socio-economic policy is two pronged. Firstly, the study argued that BEE/indigenization has not led to the economic growth as a sign for the appropriation of modern capitalism in post-colonial Africa. Secondly, BEE/indigenization policy has been marred by corruption and this has led some scholars to question whether it was necessary to create a small class of African capitalists at the expense of the majority of the citizens who suffered under colonialism and apartheid discriminatory rules. It is was argued in this study that the appropriation of capitalism should be done in a way that promotes the common good instead of individual greed.
The internationalisation of the war on terrorism and making of a modern threat to the ethic of political liberalism : a conceptualisation of the current threat to global peace and security.
(2018) Madzvamuse, Thando.; Murove, Munyaradzi Felix.
The terrorist attacks in the United States of America (USA) on 11 September 2001 unquestionably caused anguish for the nation. Instead of seeking justice, the USA went on a retribution mission which led it to lose self-control as the terrorists lured it to behave like a rogue state. The stage was thus set for a cycle of violence between the protagonists, one represented by the self-centred USA, and the other by militant modern terrorists who do not value life, to lock horns in the international arena. This thesis demonstrates that the USA’s desire for vengeance led to the internationalisation of the war on terrorism, whose actions have, on numerous occasions, constituted an affront to the ethic of political liberalism which, being centred on liberty and the respect of the individual, demand justice and fairness, equality, tolerance, respect for the rule of law, and various individual rights such as freedom of conscience and non-discrimination. While there is no agreed upon definition of terrorism, this study showed that terrorism is an illegal form of warfare that thrives on the use of violence and intimidation which is targeted mainly at civilians to achieve political objectives. This study demonstrated that the USA has taken advantage of the illegality of terrorism to persuade and coerce other nations to join it in the War on Terror which it has used, to a great extent, to pursue its strategic interests all over the world. This study shows how, in pursuit of its foreign policy objectives, the USA has adopted a rapacious foreign policy that disregards international law and multilateral institutions. The superpower has not hesitated to use force where it has felt that its interests are under threat. It has lost morality as it embraces various tyrants around the world while punishing those despots who are not on its side in the War on Terror. While exercising its right to hunt down terrorists and bring them to justice, it has failed to differentiate combatants from non-combatants. The extensive abuse of suspects in secret detention camps by its security forces, which has been characterised by a gross violation of individual rights, constitutes an insult to the just war principle of jus in bello. In the war, the USA has failed to strike a balance between national security and the requirement for the respect of individual rights. This study demonstrates how it has supplanted the rule of law by the ‘rule of men’ as Arabs and other minority groups have been profiled and detained arbitrarily as public officials have denied them their freedom of conscience and the right to equality. Liberal provisions which give suspects the right to legal representation have been unfairly and unjustly dispensed with as the criminal justice system has been replaced by military tribunals. This study shows how the government, which has exhibited a lack of tolerance for minority groups, has denied individuals their liberty as it has moved them illegally from one country to another where they have been subjected to torture. This study concludes that the USA’s disrespect for individual rights and national sovereignty has made the War on Terror unjust, given its association with lawlessness, immorality and impunity. The USA’s actions confirm the thesis that the War on Terror constitutes a threat to the ethic of political liberalism and is indeed a threat to global peace and security.
The predominance of an ethic of double standards in the United Nations Security Council humanitarian intervention missions : a critical study based on the ethical concepts of mutual aid and equal recognition.
(2014) Chiwenga, Constantino Guveya.; Murove, Munyaradzi Felix.
The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is the organ of the United Nations (UN), which according to the United Nations Charter has been mandated with the maintenance of peace and security in the whole world. The UNSC is composed of 5 permanent members in accordance with Chapter V, Article 23 of the UN Charter. These P5 were not democratically elected because the UN General Assembly has never been involved in the election of these P5 members. Instead, the UN General Assembly has been given the responsibility of electing 6 non-permanent members. From the history of the formation of the UNSC, I have argued that the members of this organ of the UN end up promoting their own national self-interests under the guise of promoting peace and security in the world. The practice of double standards (being morally hypocritical with regards to one‟s commitment to justice and fairness) in the UNSC hinges mainly on the rationale of P5 members pursuing their self-national interests instead of the interests of the whole world in accordance with the UN Charter. Also the rationale of having a UNSC whose justification for its existence is based on the idea of a World War that was fought six decades ago undermines a democratic ethos as well as any prospect for the UNSC democratic reforms. The P5 talk about democratic accountability to other countries and yet they themselves are not accountable to the UN General Assembly. The idea of a P5 membership that wields vetoing powers makes the prospects of democratic reforms in the UNSC untenable. The fact that the UNSC has on several occasion talked about good governance as synonymous with a democratic government smacks of double standards because the modus operandi of this organ of the UN does not show any shred of the existence of democratic practices. Another factor that exacerbates the practice of double standards in the UNSC is that the politically cherished values of this organ of the UN are mainly Euro-centric. The interests of the P5 are usually regional interests, and not the interests of the whole world. It is a central argument that is raised in this study that the practice of double standards undermines the ideal of shared moral values among nations. A special attention to the practice of double standards in the UNSC is made with specific reference to the UNSC authorised military interventions in Iraq and Libya. The UNSC‟s condemnation of Iraq‟s invasion of Kuwait was mainly motivated by the USA (United States of America) and her Western allies‟ need for cheap oil. I have demonstrated that this practice of double standards can be discerned if we make a comparative study on UNSC response towards Iraq‟s invasion of Iran. The practice of double standards was further highlighted by examples where other countries such as Israel, South Africa and Rhodesia invaded sovereign countries whilst the UNSC did not authorise military interventions against those countries. In the case of Iraq, the practice of double standards involved lying about the motives of imposing sanctions and inspecting Iraq‟s weapons capability. The same practice of double standards by the UNSC led to the UNSC passing a resolution of no fly-zone under the pretext of protecting civilians and yet NATO and its sponsored rebels killed more civilians than what Gaddafi government ever did. The presumption that the UNSC is there to promote peace and security in the whole world is empirically questionable. The main argument that was advanced in this study was that the pursuit of national self-interests among the P5 members of the UNSC is the main contributory factor to the practice of double standards in its modus operandi. The practice of double standards in the UNSC makes the prospects of a new world order something that will remain unrealisable. For this reason, my critique of double standards was that it has eroded the moral legitimacy of the UNSC. For this reason, my main critical tools against double standards were ethical concepts of equal recognition – all countries of the world should be recognised in terms of their capabilities to contribute to peace and security in the world and of mutual aid – which is based on the presumption that all countries of the world should be seen as indispensable to the promotion of peace and security in the world.
Recurring conflict in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo : the search for a regional conflict transformation mechanism premised on collective security and the African ethical concept of ubuntu.
(2016) Rugeje, Engelbert Abel.; Murove, Munyaradzi Felix.
The recurrence of conflict in the eastern of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has resulted in peace-building efforts from national, international, regional and sub-regional as well as well as nongovernmental actors all aimed at bringing about peace and security to that region of the DRC. Despite of all these peace-building efforts, the eastern DRC has remained in a perennial state of armed conflicts. The political situation of DRC which, since the end of colonialism has remained unstable has also contributed to the situation of perennial conflict in the eastern DRC. None of the Congolese political leaders has succeeded in bringing an end to the conflict in the eastern DRC. Whilst numerous efforts have been made in the form of peace agreements, negotiations and reconciliation processes in an effort to bring an end to conflicts in eastern DRC, this perennial situation of conflict has continued unabated. As a result of recurrence of conflict in eastern DRC, there has been rampant violation of human rights, war crimes, displacement of civilians, destruction of property and infrastructure, small arms trafficking and illegal exploitation of natural resources. The United Nations (UN) and its Security Council (UNSC) has not been effective in addressing this situation of recurring conflict in eastern DRC in the sense that it has failed to provide financial and material support to regional bodies such as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the International Conference of the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR). These organisations are more knowledgeable about the solution that can serve as a panacea to the end of of conflict in eastern DRC. However, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has monopolised the whole process of conflict resolution in the eastern DRC to the exclusion of regional organisations and this has been one of the contributory factors to the recurrence. This study thus raises the question of the interests which the UNSC is representing in the eastern DRC. Since the UNSC has failed to bring to an end a situation of recurring conflict in eastern DRC, it is the argument of this thesis that there is a need for peacebuilding mechanisms that are initiated by the SADC as a regional formation which according to the UN Charter is responsible for the implementation of the Collective Security System. The presumption behind the UN Collective Security system is that the regional entity is more knowledgeable on what needs to be done in resolving conflicts in its own region. Since most the peacebuilding mechanisms that have been applied by United Nations (UN), UNSC and Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) with the aim of resolving recurring conflict in eastern DRC have failed to come to fruition, it is the main argument of this thesis that the African ethic of Ubuntu which has principles which echo the ideals of the UN Collective Security system can be a panacea to a durable peace and security in the eastern DRC. The main principles that are imbedded in the ethic of Ubuntu such as community, harmony and common belongingness can be appealed to and implemented within the region as part and parcel of creative action in peacebuilding processes in the eastern DRC. In this scenario, Ubuntu has ushered in the need to uphold the humanness, moral virtues and dignity as key aspects in addressing the seemingly unending conflict in the eastern DRC. Both external and internal players must have a fellow feeling of the suffering. The virtue implies human being inherent ability to appreciate the suffering of others as their own in order to raise joy, hope and aspiration for a better future. The conflict transformation whose dignity they want accorded to them should be the same dignity they should accord to others. It was thus the main argument of this study that the African Ethical Concept of Ubuntu should be integral to conflict transformation efforts in the eastern part of the DRC.
Rethinking the African economic ethic of indigenisation in the light of the expansion of global neo-liberal capitalistic practices : a critical study on the prospects for purposeful regional economic integration in the Southern African Development Community (SADC).
(2019) Kamusoko, Edgar Munyarari.; Murove, Munyaradzi Felix.
During the Cold War, the world order was bi-polar and largely divided between liberalism and communism. The end of the Cold War saw global neo-liberal capitalism emerging to dominate the world as the only economic system available for development. However, that development is yet to be seen in Africa despite pursuing neo-liberal policies for many years. The failure of neo-liberalism in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region to stimulate economic development has been attributed partly to the failure by the region to domesticate capitalism. In response to the challenges of neo-liberalism, SADC states went into a regional integration with an overarching objective of eradicating poverty and improving the economic well-being of the people. The regional economic integration has had its own challenges. One of the reasons for the failure of the SADC regional economic integration was because of the absence of regional capitalism to promote intra-regional trade and investment. Another response by the post-colonial SADC states to global neo-liberal capitalism was the African economic ethic of indigenisation. This was also an effort to address economic inequalities introduced by colonial and apartheid systems. Indigenisation sought to promote fair participation in economic activities by deliberately empowering the majority previously marginalised people. The economic policy of indigenisation was popular and implemented at the national level by most of the SADC states, but at the regional level it seems there was no clear expression of the same policy. The indigenisation policy has been a controversial policy with its own ethical challenges regarding its fairness and consequences. This research attempts to explore ways in which the SADC region can come-up with a purposeful regional economic integration which can help reduce poverty and domesticate capitalism for the greatest benefit to the greatest number of people as argued by utilitarianism. The study also investigates why there was no regional SADC policy on indigenisation if the policy was popular at the national level. The research used a qualitative analytical case study desk research design which analysed SADC policies and the theories and concepts that inform global-neo-liberal capitalism and regional integration. The research established that, the African economic ethic of indigenisation can be ethically justified from a utilitarianism perspective as it sought to deliver the greatest good to the greatest number of local people. It also came out from the research that the African economic ethic of indigenisation was a response to unethical discriminative colonial and apartheid practices which were viewed as sources to poverty and economic inequality. The research also observed that the SADC through the Common Agenda of the treaty sought to eradicate poverty and improve the well-being of the people of SADC. These objectives were well aligned to those of the African economic ethic of indigenisation. However, the pressures of global neo-liberal capitalism have seen the SADC region failing to explicitly express the African economic ethic of indigenisation in any of its policies and initiatives. The other reason for the failure by SADC as a region to express indigenisation explicitly in its policies was that the political elite sought to maintain unchallenged authority and unethical benefits from indigenisation in their own countries free of the regional oversight. The research however, found it ethically beneficial for the SADC region to embrace neo-liberalism but at the same time promoting the development of regional capitalism; which I would call ‘SADCapitalism’. Developing capitalism in SADC would help domesticate capitalism for the benefit of the majority of the SADC people. To domesticate capitalism at the regional level, there is a need to come up with a regional integration which promotes regional indigenous entrepreneurs or capitalists. This would be in the form of a regional indigenisation policy which promotes SADC citizens to invest and migrate within the region enjoying preferential treatment ahead of non-SADC citizens. In the rethinking, there is need to redefine the people who should be regarded as regional indigenous people include at least fourth generation descendants of former colonial or apartheid white rulers, Indians and coloureds.
The security sector reform debate in post-independant Africa south of the Sahara : a critical ethical investigation based on the concepts of sovereignty and anarchy.
(2017) Kahuni, Panganai.; Murove, Munyaradzi Felix.
The Security Sector Reform (SSR) is a concept that first emerged in the 1990s in Eastern Europe. It was propagated by Short in the post-cold war era under the guise of a development agenda and the need for democratisation of Security Sector Institutions (SSIs) which would result in enhancing the rule of law in Sub-Saharan Africa. The main argument from its proponents was that this new political and economic dispensation could improve sustainable development, democracy, peace and stability. However, critiques have observed that the SSR concept has been maliciously employed by the West to destroy local governance structures of the Security Sector (SS) in order to benefit the Northern countries’ political and economic policies. Evidence of the negative repercussions of Security Sector Reform initiatives in Sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East can be witnessed in the DRC, Mozambique, Somalia, Iraq and Afghanistan’s inability to contain rebel or terrorist groups within their territories. This is despite the fact that the above countries underwent Western initiated models of SSR. This thesis argues that proponents of SSR end up prescribing how SSR should be done in their former colonies in Africa with the objective of weakening this sector by advancing a neo-colonial agenda. I further argue that the neo-colonial agenda is propagated by civil society organisations funded by Western countries to advance Western interests in former European colonies in Africa. The call for SSR in Sub-Saharan Africa is done through CSO and neo-liberal academics under the guise of wanting to democratise SSI and directing money to development projects. It has been observed that this sheep-in-wolf concept has been carefully planned to cover the underground Western interests as happened in Libya. In fact, these advocates of SSR want continued substance of their interests which is access to the continent’s natural resources. The study observes that the debate calling for SSR in Sub-Saharan Africa seeks to portray an immediate need for military reforms that might compromise the sovereignty of the continent. The other argument also advanced by the proponents of SSR is that it will enhance and improve democratic oversight and good governance of the SSR. The major claim here is that SSR will end violence in Africa thereby bringing sustainable peace and a secure environment which will later allow economic development. However, despite this noble claim of wanting to create a peaceful situation that allows economic development, evidence to the contrary has been given. Examples of worse scenarios created by such hideous claims are Mozambique, Libya, Central African Republic, Mali and DRC just to mention a few. In these SSIs have resulted in failure to discharge the mandate of protecting national interests and state sovereignty resulting in these countries experiencing anarchic situations. I argue that democratisation of the military, if it means enhancing of institutional capacity to respect humanity while at the same time strengthening the need to protect, defend and safeguard the national interests and state sovereignty can then be regarded as plausible. However, some reformed militaries have nearly totally collapsed in the face of attacks by rebels, insurgents and terrorist groups as exemplified by Islamic State of Iraq,(ISI) in Iraq, Boko Haram in Nigeria, M23 in the DRC and Renamo in Mozambique thereby creating anarchic scenarios that have devastating effects on humanity. There is also the argument of gender equity through which the reformists want to see fifty-fifty women representation in the security sector. The debate on SSR that seeks to increase the women quota in African SSIs with no regards to their competencies seems to be advancing an unethical agenda that has the potential of weakening Africa’s SSIs. In this regard, my critique of SSR is based on that it is against the protection of the principles of the revolutionary struggle which demands a complementary role of the civil authorities and the military. This thesis concludes that the SSR concept is immoral in the sense that it seeks to disconnect and disorient the SSIs from effectively and efficiently safeguarding the continental peace and stability. My special argument therefore is that SSR concepts must be locally designed and the SSR process must be locally owned as well to create a complementary role between stakeholders such as the executive, military and CSOs resulting in the protection of the continent’s liberation principles and values thereby creating an enabling environment for inclusive socio-economic development.

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