Browsing by Author "Francis, Suzanne."

Now showing 1 - 19 of 19

Amnesty as a mechanism for conflict resolution : a study of the Niger Delta conflict in Nigeria.
(2015) Moshood, Abdul-Wasi Babatunde.; Francis, Suzanne.
This study, through extensive field work interrogates the amnesty programme in the Niger Delta, and demonstrates how amnesty has impacted on peace. The Niger Delta region has suffered neglect from successive governments. The unbridled exploration for oil by multinationals, and neglect by the government has led to the conflict becoming intractable. In previous years, efforts at resolving the conflict in the Niger Delta included both the use of force and pacification, an approach that was a mixture of both force and dialogue. Little success seems to have been recorded using these initial mechanisms. The introduction of amnesty, however, seems to provide a palpable solution to the intransigent conflict, but has received criticism. Scholars have diverse views on the introduction and implementation of the amnesty programme in the Niger Delta conflict. Some of them opine that the programme should not be considered as a “silver-bullet”, but rather a temporary palliative to ensure peace in the region. Others argue that amnesty is just a process employed to buy peace, to ensure unhindered access to crude oil production in the region, and not a process informed by the need to achieve sustainable peace in the region. The need to engender sustainable peace in the Niger Delta is central to any future socio-economic development. This need is key to the introduction of the amnesty programme. Since the introduction of amnesty, the region has enjoyed stability, there has been an increase in the production of oil, and many Niger Delta people (including ex-militants) have been provided with the opportunity of capacity building and training in a peaceful coexistence. The study claims that amnesty as a home-grown conflict transformation mechanism could be used to achieve a sustainable peace in the oil rich region.
The burden of the future: an exploration of the aftermath of violent conflict in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (1996-2007)
(2019) Dunia, Heri Mugisha.; Francis, Suzanne.; Francis, Michael Douglas.
This study explores the aftermath of protracted social conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) through a historical lense in the Kabare district, precisely in Mulungu, Lwiro and Katana where research centres are located. A qualitative research paradigm was used to determine the nature and extent of protracted violence on the economy and the society. The sampling area involved the three research centres along with their direct vicinities. One hundred in-depth interviews with three focus groups followed by participant observation were used in this study in order to generate rich data. Purposive sampling technique was used to identify relevant respondents to which a snowball sampling method was added to help reach more interviewees. The findings of this study reveal that the numerous crisis that the country has gone through from the Leopoldian era right to the present are explained by the pursuit of the 1885 Berlin Protocol. Here international powers agreed on using the Congo as a carrefour for international commerce to enlarge their markets as well as to advance their commercial agenda while simultaneously using it as a digging ground of raw material required to boost industries in the West at the cost of the blood, sweat and misery of the Congolese people. The state failures from the Congo Free State to the Democratic Republic of Congo, coupled with the protracted social conflict that seats the culture of violence within the structures, institutions as well as the Congolese social fabric; are the result of the application of the 1885 Berlin Protocol that set the Congo to be an ever-open market for world leaders rather than a modern nation-state. The study concludes in demonstrating that unless the 1885 Berlin Protocol is reviewed and changed completely to allow the Congo to organize itself as a modern nation-state that will deal at equal terms of trade with Western countries, peace will remain illusory in the DRC and the innocent Congolese will continue to die in the process.
Democracy or efficiency : the impact of public participation on local government service delivery in Msunduzi Local Municipality and eThekwini Metropolitan Municipality.
(2019) Nene, Sanele Ashel.; Francis, Suzanne.
Conventional thinking in participatory democracy theory contends that public participation improves the quality and effectiveness of government. Effective public participation promotes accountability, transparency, inclusivity and responsiveness in governance. The assumption is that the benefits of public participation are to be found in the efficiency of service delivery by municipalities. This dissertation investigates the idea that the benefits of public participation are outweighed by the cost to efficiency in service delivery. Public participation has negative effects on service delivery in local government due to the time and resources required for effective public participation. It is argued that the correlation between public participation and service delivery efficiency is also mainly theoretical, and not based on convincing empirical evidence. Service delivery efficiency in local government is influenced by other factors such as the ability of the municipal management and governance structures to resist party political interference through structural design, the capacity of the municipality to plan and deliver basic services within its jurisdiction, and the economic and financial resources available to the municipality. The dissertation concludes that there is a need to thoroughly investigate the impact of intergovernmental relations on local government service delivery, given the legislative positioning of municipalities in relation to other spheres of government. The functionality and efficiency of local municipalities is dependent on the relations between the local government and the district municipality, or the local government and the provincial government. The role of district municipalities is therefore questioned, and it is suggested that further research on the subject is imperative.
Elections and democratic consolidation in West Africa : comparative study of Nigeria and Senegal, 1999-2012.
(2017) Fatai, Abiodun Surajudeen.; Francis, Suzanne.
The study examines elections and democratic consolidation in West Africa using Nigeria and Senegal as a comparative lens from 1999-2012. It is predicated on the contradictory trajectories of electoral politics in West Africa under the so-called third wave of democratization and their implication for the consolidation of democracy. This contradictory trend typifies the democratic experience of Nigeria and Senegal in the period under consideration making them good case studies for the presentation of empirical evidences that illustrate how elections engender democratic consolidation in West Africa. Despite the regularities of elections in these countries, which have opened the inroad to democratic consolidation, less progress has been made in terms of the institutionalization of liberal democracy, especially with respect to its principles, such as the rule of law, constitutionalism and political liberties. These principles ensure the meaningfulness and validity of elections in such a manner that political actors see the entire process as “legitimate and binding”, but also defined them in terms of the habituation to democratic rules and procedures before, during and after elections. Undue emphasis on elections only, without recourse to the institutionalization of these principles, has therefore been the cause of democratic reversal and setback in many democratizing countries. This circumstance has a telling consequence for the consolidation of democracy, especially in West Africa where the vestige of military and authoritarian past continue to undermine the institutionalization of liberal democracy. Against this background the study argues that elections, although crucial to the consolidation of democracy, they do not engender democratic consolidation in the absence of other liberal democratic principles such as the rule of law, constitutionalism and political liberties. These principles are the foundational ethos for which the behaviour of political elites is constrained and regulated, in a manner which prevents them from seeking democratic alternatives and the consequence for democratic consolidation. In this context, the study takes motivation from the liberal democratic and elite theories to analyse elections and democratic consolidation in West Africa. Using the qualitative research framework, the study heavily relies on documentary analysis and in-depth interviews conducted in Nigeria and Senegal, which was chosen as the case study from 1999-2012 in consideration of the role of the two countries in the sustenance of democracy in the sub-region. Following this analysis, the study examines several efforts towards the improvement and institutionalization of liberal democracy, and in that context, provided some other recommendations that could enhance the prospect of democratic consolidation in West Africa.
Electoral fraud and the transition process in Ekiti State, Nigeria (2007-2015)
(2019) Adisa, Olalekan Ismaila.; Francis, Suzanne.
The conduct of elections has, in modern times, been debated. This is particularly so as it concerns the question of the credibility of the results and fairness of the process. Many African elections have been criticized due to non-adherence to democratic tenets and procedures. It has however been observed that the intermittent truncation of the democratic process in Nigeria between 1960 and 1999 was as a result of the inability of the political class to manage democratic transition effectively. It is in this context, and as a scholarly contribution of the third wave (Huntington, 1993), that this thesis explored the impacts of electoral fraud in the transition process in Ekiti State, Nigeria. The study explores the country’s challenges of transitioning from one democratic administration to another by using the Democratic Elite Theory and the Differential Association Theory as the explanatory theoretical framework. The study examined the role of political elites who use their wealth and influence to dictate political decisions and policies, and the transmission of criminal behaviors from one generation to the other as the major predisposing conditions for electoral fraud in the study area. While the former typified the Democratic Elite Theory, the latter was adopted as a corollary of the Differential Association Theory. The study adopted a mixed method research framework that combined interpretivism research philosophy, inductive research approach and both the descriptive and survey research designs. Analytical methods employed were both qualitative and quantitative. Findings showed that political elites and the executive arm of government, particularly the incumbent governments, exerted great influence on electoral outcomes in the study area through their promotion and support for electoral fraud and their stance of winning elections at any cost. Further, the study showed that the prevailing level of poverty in the study area led to a cultural reorientation that placed premium of financial inducement and ‘stomach infrastructure’. The perception of political stakeholders in the State on electoral fraud and democratic transition was also examined and recommendations to restore the sanctity of the electoral process and stabilize democracy in the study area, and Nigeria at large, were suggested.
An examination of the extent of, and public participation in, public policy decision-making : the case of the name changing of St. Lucia Wetland Park to Isimangaliso Wetland Park.
(2009) Xaba, Sibusiso.; Francis, Suzanne.
This is a study of public participation which is located within context of the current policy processes that are occurring across South Africa whereby local municipalities are re-naming streets and buildings to more broadly reflect the heritage of South Africa and its people. The process has suffered drawbacks across the country and commentators point to poor public participation, consultation and public engagement. The process of name-changing proves a need to pose some critical questions about the nature of policy implementation in a democratic South Africa. I look at this through the theoretical framework of public policy implementation. In this study I examine the process of public participation in the changing of the name St. Lucia Wetland Park to Isimangaliso Wetland Park. I adopt a qualitative research approach comprising of semi-structured interviews and surveys. I explore four key questions. First, what was the public policy decision-making process that was followed in the renaming of St. Lucia Wetland Park as Isimangaliso Wetland Park? Second, did the re-naming of St. Lucia Wetland Park as Isimangaliso Wetland Park include participation and consultation in the decision-making processes by the public who reside and work in the area? If so, what type of consultation did this include and what was the extent of the participation? Third, to what extent is this new name accepted or rejected by the public who live and work in the area? Is the acceptance or rejection of the name dependent upon levels of consultation, dependent upon the historical significance of the new name, or on something else altogether? Fourth, what implications does the acceptance or rejection of the new name have for processes of public participation in public policy decision-making in the future and for theories of implementation? I find that, despite no proper process of consultation, the community who live and work in the area accept the new name of the park. They do so for three reasons. First, the community do not treat the park as theirs. Second, they have never been participants in previous decision-making processes. Third, the new name represents a history and heritage that they claim as their own. These findings indicate that theories of public policy implementation should be revised.
Exploring the politics of impeachment in Nigeria's presidential system : insights from selected states in the fourth republic, 1990-2007.
(2016) Fagbadebo, Omololu Michael.; Francis, Suzanne.
This study, through extensive empirical fieldwork research through interviews, interrogates the politics associated with the exercise of the power by the legislature to remove heads of the executive branch of government in the Nigerian presidential system. The study draws insights from the cases of impeachment in some selected states from 1999-2007. Through the frameworks of structural functionalism, elite and legislative role theories, the study analyzed the behaviors, attitudes and dispositions of the Nigerian political elite towards the exercise of requisite constitutional powers. The findings of the study show that external influence weakens the institutional capacity of the legislature to effectively exercise its oversight power over the executive. The prevalence of patron-client politics encouraged a selective application of impeachment provisions as an instrument of political vendetta and harassment. This has weakened the oversight power of the legislature thereby engendering accountability problems. It also deepens the crisis of governance because of the failure of the relevant institutional framework to tame unethical behaviour exercised by the political elite. Additionally, the Nigerian presidential system is unable to deliver public goods through an integrated institutional process. Policy outputs run contrary to the institutional framework that is supposed to provide the requisite capacity for the promotion of good governance in their exercise of political power, the political elite exploit institutional structures and processes at the expense of the public. This has evolved into a political culture that undermines good governance. The study therefore recommends the need for multiple measures of accountability, a truly independent judiciary, legislative independence and a reorientation of the people’s perception of political power.
Globalization, sustainable democracy and deregulation in Nigeria : a case study of the downstream oil sector.
(2015) Akinola, Adeoye Ologuntoye.; Francis, Suzanne.
The collapse of communism in the Soviet Union in the late 1980s signified an end to organized impediments to the spread of globalization and this invariably led to the triumph of liberal democracy as the promoter of good governance. Globalization actually provides an impetus for socio-economic and political development. Successive Nigerian governments have found it challenging to institutionalize democratic principles and embark upon sound socio-economic policy initiatives in the country. This has led to questions being raised about the convergence between globalization, sustainable democracy and the implementation of deregulation policy in the Nigerian oil sector. Therefore, the study engages in the crux of Nigeria’s development dilemma under the weight of globalization. It explores the “pseudo-deregulation” in the oil industry, examines the capacity of Nigeria’s state to embark on policy transformation. Furthermore, the study relates the roles of local and international actors involved in the deregulation to economic development and quality of democracy in the country. In achieving this, the dependency, dependent development and new public management theories are utilized as frameworks of analysis. Although the government maintains that the deregulation of the distribution and marketing sector of the oil industry is germane for fiscal balance and socio-economic development. However, based on the influence of global actors, the character of the Nigerian state and its primordial political elites, there is compelling evidence to attribute the deregulation policy to mismanagement and corruption that characterizes the oil industry. This explains the continued resistance to the policy by the majority of Nigerians. I found, in this study, that fraudulent data was generated by the government to justify subsidy-cuts and the announcement of deregulation. The timing and implementation of the policy has left much to be desired. Hence there is a need for a phased deregulation process that provides ‘safety nets’ for the masses and satisfies other criteria for deregulation. State incapacity, structural problems and the underlining political economy of Nigeria remain a challenge to effective reform in the oil sector. I conclude the dissertation by reinforcing the argument that deregulation in the sector is a systematic mechanism by the government to expand the orbit of corruption in the downstream oil sector. Therefore, complete deregulation and subsidy removal, under the prevailing socio-economic realities, would be politically costly and this would endanger political stability in Nigeria.
The impact of public policy on competing interests : a case study of the taxi recapitalization programme.
(2009) Makae, Itumeleng.; Francis, Suzanne.
This study is an investigation of the impact of public policy on competing interests in the case of the South African Taxi Recapitalization Programme. I explore this through a theoretical framework of implementation theory which includes the concept of broader public participation in policy formulation and implementation processes and the significance of a bottom-up approach in decision-making. I employ a qualitative methodology comprising fieldwork interviews, surveys and focus groups. The findings of this study show that for the recapitalisation programme to achieve its objectives of regulating the mini-bus taxi industry, conditions that enable interests to access, bargain and influence decision-making must be redefined. Broader representation has to be encouraged in order for diverse interests to be reflected in policy outcomes and for implementation to be effective. This includes the recognition of other taxi organisations, the integration of the taxi industry into the legal frameworks of the Department of Labour, a structural and functional transformation of the Transportation Board and the application of an innovative violence reduction framework which includes an effective route-regulation and route-based operating-license system. This also requires the introduction of a taxi industry-specific minibus fleet, a comprehensive taxi driver-training programme and, possibly, subsidising the taxi industry. If the TRP does not become the framework through which the taxi industry is comprehensively regulated, violence is curbed and road accidents that include mini-bus taxis are drastically decreased, many more lives will be lost, thus contradicting the principal objective of commuter safety.
The impact of the Kashmir conflict on Indo-Pakistani relations and its security implications for the South Asian region.
(2014) Raquel, Adekoye Abimbola.; Francis, Suzanne.
This dissertation offers an explanation of contemporary bilateral relations of India and Pakistan in the context of the Kashmir conflict. Looking at the historical background of the conflict, it explains how the Kashmir conflict has become a thorn in the bilateral relations of India and Pakistan. Through an examination of the Indian-Pakistan peace process, I suggest why the Kashmir conflict still defies a solution. I analyse the self-help measures undertaken by both countries and assess the prospect for a future war in the region. By examining the regime types, institutional mistrust, and the economic co-operation and competition of both countries, I explore the nature of the bilateral relationship and its impact on the South Asian region. I specifically assess the possible negotiated solution to the Kashmir conflict. Finally I argue that as long as both India and Pakistan cling to their historically-entrenched positions, there is hardly any chance for permanent peace in Kashmir, thereby complicating their strategic stance in the region. I draw upon the theories of Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism to explain outcomes towards peace initiatives between India and Pakistan, and the implications for South Asia. I choose three specific concepts advanced by neo-realists and neo-liberal theorists to explore and explain the three principles of this study: the Balance of Power, Security and Economic Co-operation. Institutional mistrust, different regime types, competition in non-traditional areas, continuing insurgency, has delayed a peaceful resolution of the Kashmir conflict. After the Mumbai attack, India has diverted more national resources into fighting terrorism. Continuing border clashes, the nuclear arms race, and terrorism have heightened the tension on the subcontinent, despite the talk of resuming the dialogue in 2011. It also affects the efforts of improving economic and trade relations between both countries that would have led to more co-operative postures between both countries and for South Asia. Of equal importance is the continuous rivalry with a much smaller power, Pakistan, and over Afganistan is a bane to peace initiative. However, this dissertation ultimately makes some policy recommendations.
Inter-organizational relations for effective policy implementation : a case study of the KwaZulu-Natal tourism implementation structure, between years 2000-2010.
(2014) Buthelezi, Sipho Bruce.; Francis, Suzanne.
In this study I explore how effective the KwaZulu-Natal tourism implementation structure has been in the management of inter-organizational relations for tourism policy implementation using an interpretive social science methodology. This study is a culmination of an intensive observation, documentary analysis and fieldwork interviews. My findings show that the lead organizations have tried to achieve reasonable consensus as they build effective implementation partnerships, but there is very little to show for it. There is little evidence that local stakeholders’ transformation, financial support and empowerment has been effectively coordinated and achieved. As a result, there has been on-going high degree of despair and uncertainty, especially at the tourism community organizational level. I also find an increased orientation towards cooperative tourism governance and management. There is also evidence of an increase in tourism establishments whose foundation is partnerships for efficiency, effectiveness, increased revenue, empowerment and sustainability. There are still ‘silos’ within tourism cooperative management in that the lead organizations and the private sector still avoid partnering and opt to achieve their own individual goals separately. The process of facilitating cooperative tourism programmes is time-consuming. Hence success might not be achieved during the term of office of municipal councils and executive management, whose terms are normally five years without guarantee of extension. In many instances, this has resulted in tourism development programmes being an unfunded mandate. However, from 2008 onwards, there has been an improvement in stakeholder/shareholder coordination, partnering, communicating and organizational relationships for tourism programmes. I credit this improvement to cooperative tourism governance and management in the build-up towards the 2010 FIFA Soccer World Cup. I recommend an interventionist application of a more demonstrative, participatory, transformative and facilitative kind of leadership to maximize effective inter-organizational exchanges and consensus-based decision-making for implementation.
The KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Legislature : political elite formation and change, 1994-2004.
(2008) Francis, Suzanne.; Johnston, Alexander.
This is a study, through extensive empirical fieldwork research, of political elite formation in the Provincial Legislature of KwaZulu-Natal over a ten-year period from 1994-2004. The period of this study covers two successive provincial government elections and two terms of office. The first election was the founding election of South Africa's new democracy. Through the frameworks of classical and democratic elite theory, the social and political composition, patterns of recruitment, values, ideology and institutional capacity of the elected members of the legislature are analysed. The findings of this study demonstrate that the new institutional context has provided for greater party fluidity and instability in the legislature of a political elite that came to power through fragmented and contradictory alliances, has become more homogenous, and for some, their contradictory affiliations tie their interests to the legislature. In addition, an emerging political culture of value systems and ideology is beginning to take shape across political parties in a manner that has the potential to undermine the democratic institutions of government. As a product of this, and an underdeveloped institutional capacity, certain issues dominate the provincial agenda as the elite come to redefine their interests. Alongside this the longevity of a few is guaranteed. As such, political elite formation in KwaZulu-Natal has the potential to undermine the basis of democracy in the province.
Leadership failure, state collapse and external intervention : investigating instability and conflict in the democratic Republic of Congo, 1960-2010.
(2016) Njie, Ebrima.; Francis, Suzanne.
This is a study about leadership failure, state collapse and external intervention in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) from 1960 to 2010. It is based on research that I undertook, records that I kept and field work interviews conducted while serving as a United Nations Electoral Affairs Officer (2004-2006) and Political Affairs Officer (2006-2010) in the DRC. It is further based on a field mission in the DRC in 2012. The study covers the period from independence in 1960 through the Mobutu years to the Joseph Kabila presidency up to 2010. I use the framework of historical legitimacy, political economy and subaltern realism to explain conflict and instability in the Congo since independence. I posit that governance and leadership failure and external intervention are interrelated but that leadership failure is a more crucial explanation of state failure and collapse than external intervention. Moreover, while political economy analysis and realism are powerful investigative tools, the state’s lack of historical legitimacy best explains crises and instability in DRC since independence. Decentralization within a unitary system, functionalist regional integration and the rule of law may well be solutions to the problem of conflict and instability in the DRC.
Parliamentary floor-crossing and by-elections in Zambia's third republic: the related conflict for democracy and peace.
Mudenda, Peter Mulinda.; Francis, Suzanne.
The inducement of parliamentary floor-crossing and by-elections in Zambia’s Third Republic has been a source of conflict between the ruling parties and the opposition. To determine its effect on democracy and peace, the study utilised a qualitative research approach employing a semi-structured interview method to collect data from elected Members of Parliament from the ruling and opposition parties in Zambia; leaders of Civil Society Organisations; and the electorate. The study found that the inducement of floor-crossing and by-elections causes intra-party and inter-party conflict that negatively impacts on democracy and peace. It has further led to the erosion of liberal democracy anchored in a system of checks and balances by weakening the opposition and the parliamentary oversight of the executive. Moreover, it has also led to the erosion of peace due to the conflict it sets off within and between political parties, as seen in adversarial and antagonistic relations and electoral violence. The study shows that the inducement of parliamentary floor-crossing and by-elections in Zambia’s Third Republic undermines liberal democracy and peace. The study suggests that peace can be attained by banning the appointment of opposition MPs without consent of their parties; banning MPs that cross the floor from contesting by-elections and from public office appointments; introducing a system of proportional representation in the electoral system; ensuring that independent state institutions manage elections; curtailing Presidential powers; the use of coalition government; the promotion of on-going dialogue between stakeholders; and the building of ideology-based politics.
A policy analysis of the consequences of the Lesotho highlands water project for rural communities in Lesotho: a case-study of communities affected by the construction of the Katse and Mohale dams.
(2014) Makoro, Frank Tsotetsi.; Francis, Suzanne.
This thesis analyses the policy and implementation of the Treaty reached between the Kingdom of Lesotho and the Republic of South Africa to construct two dams, the Katse and Mohale dams, to supply water to the Province of Gauteng in South Africa, in 1986. The nature and intention of this study is to contribute to knowledge since these dams were constructed for socio-economic development in Lesotho and in the Republic of South Africa. The main purpose of the thesis is to investigate the extent to which the construction of the Lesotho Highlands Water Project has benefitted resettled and relocated households in the areas where they now live. The study focuses on how seven of the socio-economic development programmes of the Lesotho Highlands Development Authority, namely Infrastructure, Compensation, Resettlement, Relocation, Capacity Building, Rural Development and Tourism, have been understood and implemented during the construction of the Katse and Mohale dams. In this study a more detailed empirical approach of how the Treaty and Compensation Policy for resettlement and relocation of affected communities in two regions of Katse and Mohale is understood and applied in the Katse area and Maseru District (one urban, in the Maseru suburbs, and the other rural foothills of the Machache mountain range of Ha Theko in Nazareth). The thesis identifies contributions made to social and economic development brought about by the Lesotho Highlands Water Project. Political structures that governed this project are interrogated, as well as the management structures that were given the responsibility to supervise the administration and operations of this project. This resulted in more than 50 households resettled in the Katse dam region and more than 80 households resettled in urban areas, the outskirts of Maseru City, and more than 100 households relocated to Ha Theko area. The Lesotho Highlands Development Authority was satisfied with the policy implementation in this regard, but little benefit is seen amongst people affected by the LHWP in their resettled and relocated places. The attempt here is to show how the implementation of seven socio-economic programmes of the Lesotho Highlands Development Authority has really contributed to the betterment of affected communities who were involuntarily displaced by LHDA. The thesis also reveals the importance of women in taking household leadership positions, in which issues of resettlement, employment, health, building of healthy relationships with host communities and capacity building, have been their major responsibilities and functions. In the Treaty, the intention of the project was that the resettlement programme should be organized in such a way that the standard of affected communities by the construction of Lesotho Highlands Water Project, in particular those resettled and relocated, should not be below the level they were before their resettlement and relocation. Four main areas of focus, namely the nature of the project, the governance of the project, management and policy implementation, and the situation and current consequent conditions of affected communities, are critically analyzed in this study.
Political elites and democratic institutions in South Africa since 2004.
(2019) Umoh, Samuel Uwen.; Francis, Suzanne.
This is a study, through extensive empirical fieldwork research, of political elites and democratic institutions in South Africa from 2004-2018. The study examines the dynamics, roles and challenges of political elites in shaping democratic institutions in South Africa through an examination of the National Assembly. These roles cut across plenary debates, the passage of bills and committee functions. Through the frameworks of democratic elite theory, the political and social composition, attitudes, values and party roles of the elected members of the parliament are discussed. The study also examines the structure, composition, and functions of committees in the parliament. The study explores the roles and functions of elites using qualitative methodology to gather data through interviews and observations. Twenty-five elected members of the South African Parliament were interviewed for the study. The findings of the study also demonstrate that committees are the engine room of the Parliament. The cross-party nature of committees with different MPs from various parties offers an atmosphere for members to actively participate in debate and recommendations transparently. The findings of the study also show that ideological values are a key factor in the recruitment of MPs and determine to a large extent how MPs coalesce around particular value systems and the type of attitudes MPs display in the Parliament. The study recommends that for effectiveness and efficiency of the parliament three steps must be taken. Firstly, the appointment of an independent speaker is essential to promote fairness in parliamentary debates and enhance democracy without party influence. Secondly, the parliamentary rules need to be reviewed particularly in terms of the discipline of MPs and to curb the unruly behaviour of MPs. Thirdly, for effective checks and balances of MPs, MPs should not occupy ministerial offices.
The politics of human trafficking in South Africa : a case study of the KwaZulu-Natal intersectoral task team and South African counter-trafficking governance.
(2013) Emser, Monique.; Francis, Suzanne.
Human trafficking is a complex phenomenon which obviates simple solutions. Although this is acknowledged in the literature and amongst anti-trafficking practitioners and policymakers, the existence of a dominant discourse at both the international and domestic level focuses on human trafficking for the purposes of sexual exploitation and prostitution to the detriment of other forms of trafficking in practice. Human trafficking and counter-trafficking in South Africa remain under-studied from all perspectives. In-depth knowledge and understanding of the phenomenon, as well as the efficacy and impact of responses, are required to formulate effective policies and strategies. Understanding the actors and complex governance structures involved in counter-trafficking, their interactions and their political agendas, and how this translates in practice in the South African context represents a gap in research on preventing and combating human trafficking in South Africa. This study makes a meaningful contribution to this body of research by analysing the actors involved in preventing and combating human trafficking and counter-trafficking governance in South Africa and the impact that politics (in the form of discourses and agendas) has on human trafficking approaches and responses. In this dissertation, I provide a better understanding of the politics of human trafficking in South Africa by deconstructing the international and South African human trafficking discourses and underlying agendas of state and non-state actors involved in counter-trafficking and assess the impact this has on counter-trafficking responses in practice. I examine the international and South African human trafficking legal and policy frameworks. I analyse and assess human trafficking governance and the way in which human trafficking is being combatted in South Africa from a complexity perspective, using the KwaZulu-Natal intersectoral task team as a case study, and provide insight into the role played by counter-trafficking networks in South Africa. I contend that dominant discourses and competing political agendas influence the trajectory of legislative and policy formulation and implementation, at both the international and domestic level, and ultimately counter-trafficking responses. In the South African context, the domestic discourse closely reflects the dominant international discourse. I claim that while the recently adopted comprehensive human trafficking legislation is expansive and victim-centred, like much other progressive legislation and policy in South Africa, implementation may prove problematic. I highlight a number of contentious issues surrounding the adopted legislation and examine the South African response to preventing and combating human trafficking in the form of its Tsireledzani programme and the national task team. I analyse and assess the efficacy of counter-trafficking governance in South Africa through the lens of the KwaZulu-Natal intersectoral task team. I argue that the strategic objectives of the task team, in the form of its 4P model based on prevention, protection, prosecution and partnerships, have been implemented relatively successfully. However, a number of constraints and challenges are observed, and recommendations are made for augmenting the impact and efficacy of counter-trafficking responses in KwaZulu-Natal. Cooperation and coordination are required for an integrated approach to counter-trafficking and effectively managing counter-trafficking governance in South Africa. I claim that counter-trafficking networks, formed primarily by civil society organisations, play an important role in counter-trafficking in the South African context. Linking networks through formalised cooperation and coordination, and leveraging their resources through knowledge management, information sharing and positive competition, are vital components for an effective, holistic response to human trafficking in South Africa. I argue that the disparate approaches to human trafficking have a marked effect on outcomes of counter-trafficking responses and have resulted in unintended consequences. This has the implication that although South Africa advocates a holistic approach to addressing human trafficking, the reality is a more fragmented approach which leads to a disproportionate amount of resources and effort being allocated to combating, preventing and assisting particular sub-populations of trafficking victims – namely women and children trafficked for the purposes of sexual exploitation. In addition, resources are spent keeping undocumented migrants and their traffickers out and male victims of trafficking, while officially acknowledged, tend to be overlooked in terms of victimology and assistance in practice.
State stability and the crisis of refugees in Kenya: repatriation and resettlement of the Somali refugees in Dadaab Camp.
(2019) Kirui, Peter Kipng'eno.; Francis, Suzanne.
The repatriation of refugees is a complex phenomenon that requires extensive consultation especially among refugees and potential returnees. Even though several repatriations have failed as returnees flee again, the refugee actors have not significantly changed their approach to refugee repatriations so as to curb and reduce such failed repatriations. In this dissertation, I examine the Tripartite Agreement signed between the governments of Kenya, Somalia and the UNHCR on 10th November 2013.This agreement is to guide the repatriation of approximately half a million Somali refugees from the Dadaab refugee camp in Northeastern Kenya. I argue that organized repatriations overlook refugee voices as experts and elites influence politics and policy surrounding repatriations. With refugees at the periphery of this decision-making, refugee actors make decisions about them that lack their input and, subsequently, the legitimacy of the decisions made on behalf of refugees. While tripartite parties agree, theoretically, on the need to promote voluntary repatriation of Somali refugees from Dadaab, in practice, they differ on how this should be carried out without rendering repatriation involuntary. I maintain that the refugee regime, the 1951UN Convention, needs to be changed as it is outdated, narrow in scope and does not address the new realities of the refugee problem. For instance, it does not recognize socio-economic causes of refugees. The study finds that the majority of Somali refugees in Dadaab neither know of the existence of a TA supporting their voluntary return, nor its contents. In this regard, I argue that refugees should be actively involved in decision making regarding repatriation and must not be relegated to the periphery. To address the refugee problem in Africa, I argue that focus should shift from the plight of refugees to addressing the reasons for the flight. As argued in this dissertation, only about 25% of Somali refugees in Dadaab have accepted repatriation since 2014 with many citing insecurity, lack of livelihood opportunities and social services as some of the reasons they have not repatriated. Cases of involuntary returns like that of Afghan, Rwandese and Rohingya refugees are cited as warning against unsustainable induced returns. As a deterrent measure, I contend that efforts by the international community should be focused on mitigating potentially explosive conflicts without necessarily interfering with sovereignty of concerned states. I argue that sustained peace and security that guarantee involuntary return is only possible by solving the reasons for the flight. The primary sources of the study included interviews, focus group discussions and personal observation. It was then categorized into various themes to address the set objectives.
Vertical integration peacebuilding in transforming African conflicts : peace mechanisms in the Democratic Republic of Congo, South Sudan and Somalia.
(2016) Zvaita, Gilbert Tinashe.; Francis, Suzanne.
Different parts of the African continent have been subject to conflict. Over the years, both state and non-state actors to provide lasting solutions to peace have embarked on various peacebuilding initiatives. Despite different programs, projects, and peace agreements that have been signed and established. It however, remains a challenge in most post-conflict countries to secure lasting peace. In most cases, there has been relapse of conflict within a period of 5 years after the peace accord, or within a decade of peace programs. This research approaches the African conflict problem from a theoretical standpoint, to challenge the dominance of liberal concepts of peace that remain an impasse in grounding necessary structures that may be of significant help to build sustainable peace. Vertical integration peacebuilding is engaged as a hybrid peace theory in analyzing the various peacebuilding procedures that have been applied over the years by international organizations, state actors and regional actors in the continent. DRC, Somalia and South Sudan are the relevant case studies. The main argument is not to dismiss the progress achieved so far. Rather it seeks to engage on a corrective analysis of the strategic impasses that have been sabotaging the transformation processes that can be of much significance in dealing with the conflict problems. There have been repetitive liberal/top-down/paternalistic peacebuilding approaches in the past two or more decades in Africa’s conflict countries with little or no significant changes in the transformation of peace. Therefore, vertical integration as a peacebuilding approach is engaged to expose the weaknesses of the dominant liberal peace mechanisms that guides various institutions of peace in Africa. The researcher outlines the importance of developing more local peace ownership programs and establishing a legitimate support for peacebuilding programs from below as an effective and alternative way of ushering in sustainable peacebuilding programs. Henceforth, sector security reform, and disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programs, which are particular to peacebuilding, can therefore gain more local support if they are designed through the perspectives of the local communities.