Browsing by Author "Hilton, John Laurence."

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Adamastor, gigantomachies, and the literature of exile in Camões' Lusíads.
(Australasian Universities Language and Literature Association., 2009) Hilton, John Laurence.
Canto 5 of Luis Vaz de Camoes' Portuguese epic poem Lusiads, tells the celebrated myth of Adamastor. This section of the poem describes a Portuguese voyage of exploration led by Vasco da Gama in 1497 down the west coast of Africa and around the "Cape of Storms," later renamed the "Cape of Good Hope." The narrative of their journey reveals a Renaissance preoccupation with new knowledge that surpasses that of ancient writers. Hilton discusses the Adamastor, Gigantomachies and the literature of exile in Camoes' Lusiads.
Apuleius, Florida 23 and popular moral philosophy.
(Classical Association of South Africa., 2006) Hilton, John Laurence.
This article examines the links between Apuleius Florida 23, Philo De Providentia 2.22, and popular philosophical ideas in Seneca’s works. All these writings use the metaphors of a rich man whose wealth matters little in comparison with his health, and an expensively fitted ship whose costly features are useless in a storm. Such material is also to be found in Florida 14, 22, and 23, which suggests that all these fragments are related and may have come from the same original speech.
The arms and armour of the armies of Antiochus III from the Median Revolt to the Battle of Magnesia (221-190 BC)
(2020) Du Plessis, Jean Charl.( Embargoed).; De Souza, Philip.; Hilton, John Laurence.
By the time Antiochus III inherited the throne, the Seleucid empire, plagued by political infighting and revolts, was crumbling around him. Setting out to restore his kingdom to its former extent from Thrace in the west, to the river Indus in the east, Antiochus was opposed by numerous enemies whose armies and cultures were as diverse as the lands he ruled. At the heart of the king’s ambition stood the Seleucid armies, the tools with which he planned to restore his kingdom to its former glory. The Seleucid armies enabled Antiochus to re-establish his dominion and overcome all his enemies, until he came up against the power of Rome in 190 BC. This thesis is an evaluation of the effectiveness of the arms and armour of the various troop types of Seleucid armies during the restoration campaigns of Antiochus III between 221 and 190 BC. The primary focus of the thesis falls on the material culture and experimental archaeology of the period. This study incorporates a thorough analysis of the archaeological, iconographical, epigraphical and literary evidence, supported by a critical evaluation of modern scholarship on the armies of Antiochus III. After a brief introduction and literature review (Chapter 1), Part One begins with an examination of the Seleucid phalanx (Chapter 2), while Chapter 3 builds upon it by taking the practical approach of exploring the synaspismos defensive formation of the phalanx by means of archaeological experimentation. Chapter 4 assesses the guard cavalry and regular citizen cavalry. In part Two, the troop types and strategic roles of the auxiliary forces are discussed in Chapter 5 and 6 which are supported by two chapters (Chapters 7 and 8) of experimental archaeology, which examine the effectiveness of javelins and slings on ancient battlefields. In Part Three Chapter 9 discusses the ‘terror’ weapons deployed by the Seleucids -- elephants and scythed chariots. Finally, in Part Four, Chapter 10 examines the battles fought by the Seleucid armies of Antiochus III while Chapter 11 is an overall assessment of the army. The Seleucid armies of Antiochus III were some of the most effective military forces of the ancient world thanks to five crucial elements: (1) the large pool of manpower from which to draw soldiers, (2) the enormous wealth that Antiochus had at his disposal to equip, train and maintain armies, (3) the logistical skills and organisation of the armed forces on campaign, (4) the diversity of troop types and combined arms strategies, and (5) the persona and imperialistic ideology of Antiochus III.
Atticism in Achilles Tatius : an examination of linguistic perism in Achilles Tatius' Leucippe and Clitophon.
(2018) Gammage, Sonja Mary.; Hilton, John Laurence.
Abstract available in PDF file.
Azania - some etymological considerations.
(Classical Association of South Africa., 1992) Hilton, John Laurence.
There have been a number of attempts to establish an etymology for the name Azania. Liddell and Scott offer the derivation 'land of Zan or Zeus', Casson suggests that Azania has the same root as Zanzibar, and that this root had the meaning 'black'. Huntingford argues that the name derives from the Greek 'to dry, parch up'. Finally, Dreyer points out that the Afro-Asiatic languages of north-east Africa have a word meaning 'brother' which may have given rise to the name. Liddell and Scott's derivation refers to Azania in Arcadia, whereas the others refer to a region in north-east Africa. This article investigates these derivations and goes on to ask whether the use of the same name for the Arcadian and the African Azania is a coincidence or not.
A brief comparative study of the Tetrabiblos of Claudius Ptolemy and the Vedic Surya Siddhanta.
(2005) Ramluckan, Trishana.; Hilton, John Laurence.
The Ancient Indians and Greeks had similar beliefs in the concepts of magic, superstition, and astrology. First I will look briefly at the beliefs of the ancient Greeks and the main astrological text- the Tetrabiblos of Claudius Ptolemy. Ptolemy moves away from the scientific account that he provides us in his Almagest, to defining astrology as an art acquired from the observation of the movements of the heavenly bodies. The main argument however is based on the fact that Ptolemy uses an almost apologetic tone in his defence of the Tetrabiblos. Whereas the ancient Indians appeared to be strong believers in astrology, the ancient Greeks always sought to justify it in terms of science. To analyse this concept in depth I will provide a comparative study of both these belief systems. But whereas the Greeks distinguished astrology from astronomy, in the Vedic tradition astrology consisted of observable science as well as mythological and magical elements. Some consideration must therefore be given to astronomical aspects of this tradition in drawing a comparison between the two. Astrology was prevalent in ancient India a long time prior to the writing of the Surya Siddhanta or any other astronomical text. The Surya Siddhanta is often held to be the main text on Indian astronomy as it tries to address the reasons why certain religious practices were performed at those specific times. However, much information can also be obtained from the verses of the Rig Veda, a religious text that formed the basis of Indian astrology. This mini-dissertation will first discuss the Surya Siddhanta and its relationship to the more 'mythological' Rig Veda. In order to reach a conclusion I will look specifically at the issue of the belief in individual human difference and fate and destiny in these two cultures.
Cohesion in Latin.
(Taylor & Francis., 1993) Hilton, John Laurence.
This article discusses ancient and modern concepts of textual coherence and in Latin. A number of ideas about the degree of cohesion in the letters of Cicero, compared with those of Seneca and Pliny are discussed. The article shows that Seneca and Pliny make more use of asyndeton within the sentence than Cicero, and undertakes a statistical analysis of coordinate and subordinate connectors in a selected corpus of texts. This analysis gives a reliable indication of the degree of cohesion in the corpus.
A commentary on books 3 and 4 of the Ethiopian story of Heliodorus.
(1998) Hilton, John Laurence.; Kytzler, Bernhard.; Mackay, Anne.
The thesis consists of an introduction to and commentary on books 3 and 4 of the Ethiopian Story of Heliodorus. The introduction explores the meagre evidence for the life of the author, and concludes that he was probably a Phoenician living in the Syrian city of Emesa. The nature of the personal relationship between Heliodorus and the cult of the sun, mentioned explicitly in the final sentence of the romance, is discussed but must remain inconclusive. References to Helios in the romance are shown to be largely literary rather than programmatically religious. The narrative context surrounding the encounter between the hero and heroine of the story and the latter's strange birth, which constitutes the true opening of the romance, are investigated particularly closely. The possibility that the author represented his heroine, paradoxically born white to the black king and queen of Ethiopia, as what would today be termed an albino, is analysed, and the literary and cultural implications of this evaluated. Comparative anthropological studies of this hereditary condition in a variety of cultures show a strong connection with religious cults of the sun, while the internal evidence in the romance (particularly the heroine 's miraculous birth, the constrained sexuality of the hero and heroine, and the high degree of cultural alienation in the work) further corroborate this argument. The introduction also reviews the evidence for the date of the romance, such as the extent of the author's knowledge of the contemporary kingdoms of Axum and Meroe, his use of words and linguistic forms that were prevalent in the fourth century, the traces of Christian doctrines in the romance, the comparison between the sieges of Syene and Nisibis, and the similarity between the account of the triumphal procession of Aurelian in Vopiscus' biography of the emperor and the presentation of ambassadors to Hydaspes. This survey shows that there are strong arguments for the fourth century date for the romance. The introduction concludes with a brief survey of the language and style of Heliodorus. The commentary provides detailed discussion of key passages for the interpretation of the author's narratological strategy, with particular regard to the role of Kalasiris in the plot. Other substantial notes look at the author's treatment of the conventions of romance , his ironical use of the superstition of the 'evil eye', his subtle characterisation, and his use of literary topoi. The thesis concludes with appendices on the intertextual relationship between the Homeric epics and the Ethiopian Story, the significance of the word uvn6Eoc;, and the 'amphibolies', or double explanations for events in the narrative.
Computer aided techniques for the attribution of Attic black-figure vase-paintings using the Princeton painter as a model.
(2009) Ryan, Adrian John.; Hilton, John Laurence.; Hough, Gavin.
Because of their abundance and because of the insight into the ancient world offered by the depictions on their decorated surfaces, Attic painted ceramics are an extremely valuable source of material evidence. Knowing the identities and personalities of the artists who painted them not only helps us understand the paintings, but also helps in the process of dating them and, in the case of sherds, reconstructing them. However, few of the artists signed their wares, and the identities of the artists have to be revealed through a close analysis of the style in a process called attribution. The vast majority of the attributions of archaic Attic vases are due to John Beazley whose monumental works set the stage for the dominance of attribution studies in the scholarship of Greek ceramics for most of the 20th century. However, the number of new scholars trained in this arcane art is dwindling as new avenues of archaeological research have gained ascendency. A computer-aided technique for attribution may preserve the benefits of the art while allowing new scholars to explore previously ignored areas of research. To this end, the present study provides a theoretical framework for computer-aided attribution, and using the corpus of the Princeton Painter - a painter active in the 6th century BCE - demonstrates the principal that, by employing pattern recognition techniques, computers may be trained to serve as an aid in the attribution process. Three different techniques are presented that are capable of distinguishing between paintings of the Princeton Painter and some of his contemporaries with reasonable accuracy. The first uses shape descriptors to distinguish between the methods employed by respective artists to render minor anatomical details. The second shows that the relative positions of cranial features of the male figures on black-figure paintings is an indicator of style and may also be used as part of the attribution process. Finally a novel technique is presented that can distinguish between pots constructed by different potters based on their shape profiles. This technique may offer valuable clues for attribution when artists are known to work mostly with a single potter.
Conspicuous concealment : an investigation into the veiling of Roman women, with special reference to the time of Augustus.
(2007) Matthews, Lydia Lenore Veronica.; Hilton, John Laurence.
Although there is much evidence for the practice of female veiling in the Classical world it has for the most part been ignored. Evidence for the veiling of Roman women is found in many sources. Ancient lexicographers list many names for veils that these women wore. Each of these veils was particular to the context in which they were worn and by whom they were worn. The plenitude of veiling terminology as well as the specialized nature of these veils alerts the reader to the importance that the Romans attributed to the veil, suggesting that it formed an important part of their culture and this is described in visual and literary terms by ancient artists and writers. From discussions on modern veiling it is possible, through the application of a comparative methodology, to create models that can elucidate the Roman system. From anthropological studies undertaken on modern veiling cultures, it can be appreciated how notions of 'honour' and 'shame,' a belief in the evil-eye, the polluting force of the female body and the use of the veil as a means of sexual communication influenced Roman veiling. In this way it becomes possible to understand how the veil became a marker for the positive forces of femininity and for the containment of the negative influences. The veil became a signifier of sound gender relations. The fact that this vestimentary code is able to generate meaning in the minds of observers is because it works in conjunction with a rhetorical system of dress. The practice of veiling is therefore viewed by the Romans in a positive light, and its disruption is understood by them as a cause for concern. This concern was especially apparent during the late republic. The dissolution of the traditional forms of government was in some ways problematized in terms of gender, with women's abandonment of their traditional roles and their incursion into the public sphere being of specific importance. In order to remedy this, attempts were made by the new regime of Augustus to promote a return to what were seen to be traditional gender relations. This programme of moral reform made use of both formal, legalistic decree (the Julian marriage laws) and more propagandistic constructions (the public works of art). In this process traditional symbols assumed a high degree of salience. Because of its power to signify the beneficial and appropriate status of the female body, one of the most important of these symbols was the veil. In this dissertation the artistic and literary manifestations of veiling and its social and political significance are discussed with specific reference to the Augustan period.
The dream of Charikles (4.14.2) : intertextuality and irony in the Ethiopian story of Heliodorus.
(Classical Association of South Africa., 2001) Hilton, John Laurence.
There are strong but previously unnoticed intertextual links between the dream of Charikles in Heliodorus (4.14.2), the portent of the eagle in Achilles Tatius (2.12.1-3), and the dream of Penelope in Homer (Od. 19.535-69). The allusion to Achilles Tatius' Leukippe and Kleitophon may have alerted Heliodorus' readers to the approach of an important turning-point in the plot, but it is the Homeric link that is the primary focus. The dream of Penelope provides moral underpinning for marriage in the Aithiopika and helps to underline the complex ironies in Heliodorus' narrative at this crucial turning-point in the plot.
An Ethiopian paradox : Heliodorus, Aithiopika 4.8.
(Cambridge Philological Society., 1998) Hilton, John Laurence.
No abstract available.
The First Ethiopians: a critical perspective.
(University of KwaZulu-Natal., 2010) Hilton, John Laurence.
No abstract available.
From marriage comes virgin flesh : a comparison between classical male and Christian male perceptions of female sexuality with the advent of Christianity in the Roman Empire in the first four centuries AD.
(2002) Haskins, Susan Louise.; Hilton, John Laurence.
From the first to the fourth century AD, male perceptions of female sexuality underwent a radical change with the advent of Christianity. This thesis is an investigation into classical male and Christian male perceptions of female sexuality, to determine the manner and extent to which this change in perceptions took place. The investigation will be two-fold, studying both the laws that established these perceptions, as well as representations of female sexuality within specific, subjective male-authored texts. A study of the marriage legislation of Augustus and a male writer of the early Empire, Apuleius, shows an underlying pattern of thought, or paradigm, of female sexuality among classical males. Female sexuality was perceived as existing for the sole purpose of procreation, and males in positions of authority thought that it needed to be under male control in order to ensure acceptable sexual behaviour. They believed this would be best achieved by situating it under the authority of the family. With the advent of Christianity, however, a new competing paradigm on female sexuality emerged, which challenged the perceptions of men of the classical era. The church fathers spurned the classical view of female sexuality by instead advocating lifelong celibacy. They too, believed female sexuality had to be controlled, but they placed it under the authority of the church, and outside the family. Since the basis of the classical and Christian patterns of thought differed so markedly, especially when the Christian paradigm was first being formulated in the second century, it was inevitable that they would come into " conflict. Advocates of the classical paradigm tried to suppress Christianity by persecuting its supporters. Some Christian women became victims of this conflict. This thesis will also include an example of this conflict - the martyrdom of the female Christian Perpetua, who left a record of her persecution in the form of a diary. The conversion of the Emperor Constantine to Christianity in the fourth century brought about the end of the conflict ana a victory for the Christian paradigm. The church fathers suggest that the shift from classical to Christian was total and complete. However, closer examination of Constantine's legislation and the work of the influential church father Jerome shows that while this shift was complete in theory, it did not extend very far into social and legal practice. Although the Christian ideals of the church fathers were a major component of thenew paradigm, it also came to be composed of classical notions - now motivated by Christian thought - that were held by Constantine and the upper classes. It was these classical notions that shaped the social reality of life in the fourth century AD. The nature and extent of the paradigm shift was therefore radical and far-reaching in theory, but not in practice.
Furor, dementia, rabies: social displacement, madness and religion in the Metamorphoses of Apuleius.
(Classical Association of South Africa., 2009) Hilton, John Laurence.
No abstract available.
The future in the past: belief in magical divination and other methods of prophecy among the archaic and classical Greeks and among the Zulu of South Africa during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
(2003) Kirby-Hirst, Mark Anthony.; Hilton, John Laurence.
Magic and the supernatural have always been fascinating topics for investigation, none more so than the belief in prophecy. Actually being able to predict future occurrences, sometimes long before they take place, is certainly a desirable ability, and so naturally it was something that was much sought after in ancient Greece and amongst the Zulu people of South Africa. This is the domain of this dissertationbelief in the power of divination and how this belief could appear to be interrelated between two distinct peoples who are separated not only by the passage of time and their geographical locations, but also by socio-economic changes like industrialization and globalisation. The beliefs of both societies in this particular area are sometimes strikingly similar, especially in how each group understood such esoteric notions as the human soul and the afterlife or underworld. The function of magic in these cultures is also of -importance, since divination is almost always classed as a magical activity. The relative closeness to each other of their metaphysical knowledge allows a closer study of the figure of the diviner or prophet, more specifically who it was that could become a diviner and the reasons for this 'calling'. Several examples like Teiresias, the blind seer, are also useful in demonstrating certain beliefs and patterns. The major part of this dissertation deals with certain ritual practices of diviniilg. Although there exist many variations on a theme, the most important forms studied here are dreams, oracles, oionomancy (divining by understanding the song or flight of birds) and necromancy' (divining with the aid of the spirits of the dead). The method of divining by studying one's dreams is a universal constant and seems to take place in all cultures, making the practice useful for the purposes of comparative study. In terms of oracles, I contend that oracular divination is not a uniquely ancient fonn,but can be clearly seen in certain elements of the practice of Zulu divining, especially in the work of the abemilozi (diviners working with familiar spirits) Because of these similarities it is quite difficult to maintain that oracular divination· as occurred in ancient Greece, is not also practiced among the Zulu to some extent. Birds have always held a certain fascination for people and so it is not surprising that they are also used for divining. For the Greeks they could herald the favour of the gods, while the Zulu made use of them mostly for foretelling changes in the weather. Finally, necromancy because of its connection with ghosts and the dead was often frowned upon, but for both the Greeks and the Zulu it was one of the most powerful methods of divining because it was the spirits, who had already crossed to the other side and so were believed to have access to supernatural knowledge, that were thought to be able to answer the questions posed by the diviner. Most importantly I conclude that there is an indication that the souls of these two peoples were close to each other. The beliefs and the manner in which they go about establishing, using and confirming them are much the same for the ancient Greeks and the Zulu, despite the fact that they are separated by time, space and socio-economic context. In all, the only real difference is that the Greeks came to later explore science as another knowledge system. For the Zulu, one system was enough.
Imperialism then and now.
(University of Otago., 2005) Hilton, John Laurence.
No abstract available.
The influence of Roman law on the practice of slavery at the Cape of Good Hope (1652-1834).
(Classical Association of South Africa., 2007) Hilton, John Laurence.
This article investigates the extent to which Roman Law and received ideas about Roman slavery actually did form the basis on which slavery was practised and administered in the Cape of Good Hope between 1652 and 1834. Cape slavery was governed by plakaaten issued in Batavia as well as in Cape Town, but, particularly in capital cases, recourse was had directly to Roman Law and to the Roman-Dutch writers such as Simon van Leeuwen, Joost de Damhouder, Ulrich Huber, Andreas Gail and others. These writers frequently cite actual Roman laws, especially when considering the appropriate punishment. At this stage of our knowledge of how Roman Law was used in these cases, it is not possible to say whether its effect was ameliorative or pejorative, but there is little doubt that it was used both by owners and slaves, prosecution and defence, from the beginning until the end of this period.
The meaning of antitheos (HLD. 4.7.13) again.
(Classical Association of South Africa., 1997) Hilton, John Laurence.
No abstract available.
A novel compendium.
(University of Otago., 1997) Hilton, John Laurence.
No abstract available.