Browsing by Author "Maeresera, Sadiki."

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Agents of peace or violence: an appraisal of youth participation in peace-building initiatives, Jos, Nigeria, (2000 –2010).
(2018) Obaje, Timothy Aduojo.; Uzodike, Nwabufo Okeke.; Maeresera, Sadiki.
The thesis explores peace-building processes in the city of Jos, Plateau State, Nigeria with a specific focus on the depth of youth participation in peace-building initiatives. The study revolves around the 2000 to 2010 era bearing in mind that this epoch was characterised by unceasing outbursts of conflicts in the city. It employed a qualitative design with thirty purposively selected respondents. Respondents were interviewed using a semi-structured interview instruments. The interviews generated detailed empirical data that illuminated various peace-building initiatives and the depth of youth participation in these initiatives in Jos. Academics and practitioners have identified peace-building as a potential technique could ensure sustainability of peace in conflict-prone societies. Since the early 90s, the United Nations have popularised peace-building efforts via its peace-building frameworks in making available a strategic response to violent conflicts and its causes. Guided by the human security conceptual framework and civic participatory theory, this study contributes to the debate on how the youth can genuinely and adequately participate in peace-building initiatives in Jos and globally. The comprehension of the concept of human security introduces a shift away from the traditional state-oriented security approach which gives rise to the utilization of military power based on the quest for state security. Human security draws attention to humans, both as individuals and groups, in a society. Findings from this study demonstrate that the Nigerian government and the Plateau State government in particular, are progressively subscribing to the idea of the human security oriented approach to peacebuilding over the State security approach. Although a lot need to be done in this respect, the identified peace-building initiatives are indicative of developments in the right direction. Included in some of the notable forms of peace-building initiatives that emerged from the analysis of the study’s empirical data, are the establishment of commissions of inquiry, the formation of inter-religious council, the appointment of the Special Advisor to the Governor on peace-building and trust and capacity building programs. Analysis of these initiatives revealed the strategic marginalisation of youth in peace-building processes. Peace-building endeavours such as trust and capacity building programs were manipulated and exploited rather than making a credible effort towards peace. These elements in some of the peacebuilding initiatives coupled with the total neglect of youth in other peace-building initiatives summed up the unscrupulous nature of the identified peace-building initiatives in Jos and consequently remaining stuck to the perimeter of Arnstein’s non-participation and tokenism in the ladder of participation. This study therefore, recommends the development of a comprehensive peace-building policy and civic participatory framework. A framework that facilitates and guides stakeholders effort towards genuine youth participation in peace-building initiatives. This will include but not limited to the prioritization of public participation in peace-building and other communal and societal affairs, the enhancement of the government’s commitment to peace-building efforts and civic participation, the development of stakeholders’ capacity, and finally, the enhancement of a culture of accountability with a focus on peace-building and genuine youth participation in decision-making processes. In so doing, the study contributes to extant literature about the youth as agents of positive change rather than instruments of violence.
An assessment of the SADC conflict transformation capacity in the context of the recurring conflict in Lesotho 1998-2018: towards a conflict transformation model.
(2020) Phungula, Noluthando Prudence.; Mtshali, Khondlo Phillip Thabo.; Maeresera, Sadiki.
With Lesotho as its case study, the aim of this dissertation is to assess the conflict transformation capacity of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) within the period 1998-2018. The study was guided by the following questions: Which dynamics have been at play in the recurrence of conflict in Lesotho? What strategic political and diplomatic efforts has the SADC implemented in its attempts to resolve the conflict? What have been the major constraints encountered by the sub-regional body in its attempts to resolve the conflict? What scholarly and policy recommendations can be proffered for a sustainable SADC sub-regional conflict transformation model? This study utilised a qualitative research approach. Data which was collected through semi structured interviews was analysed using content analysis. As its theoretic framework, this research used the conflict transformation theory which has a focus on transforming factors that tend to perpetuate conflicts and on establishing a culture of non-violence, empathy and mutual understanding in communities to give them the capacity to resolve conflicts in a manner that is effective and that guarantees sustainable and durable peace. Within the conflict transformation framework, Lederach’s pyramid places emphasis on inclusion of all levels of leadership in transformative efforts. The findings of the study are presented under relevant themes. The findings show that SADC has the capacity to transform conflicts from negative to positive and sustainable peace. However, SADC currently does not have a guiding model for its CT efforts. As such, the study recommends a conflict transformation framework centred on local ownership as opposed to an outsider mediation approach, and a multi-pronged approach towards assessing the dynamics of the conflict and in the CT process. The study holds that peace attained under such conditions would be an effective, durable and self-sustainable peace. The study contributes to the debates on the relevance and application of Conflict Transformation as a possible framework that SADC could use to address the myriad of issues in the Lesotho context.
Military interventions in African conflicts : the Southern African Development Community coalition of the Willing's military intervention in the Democratic Republic of Congo, 1998-2002.
(2012) Maeresera, Sadiki.; Uzodike, Nwabufo Okeke.
This study focuses on the premise that national interests of governments are the primary motivating factors that inform decisions on military interventions. Military strategy remains a principal tool in the attainment, pursuance and safeguarding of these interests. Military intervention is the last resort to a series of options that begin with and continue to inform the dynamic: diplomacy, policing, reliance on alliance action and finally, deterrent or pro-active military action. Military interventions in the 20th century have been undertaken at the multilateral, regional and sub-regional levels in given conflicts by a range of actors. Scholarly questions have been asked about the rationale behind the respective governments’ decisions to undertake these interventions. In the case of this study, which focuses on the SADC coalition of willing nations’ military intervention in the Congo conflict, questions have centred on the following: What was the rationale and motive that led governments of the three countries to undertake the decisions for military intervention in the Congo? Was the intervention an altruistic act by the intervening governments seeking to stop aggression of an ally or was it driven by the personal quests by leaders of these intervening countries to secure their share of the DRC mineral wealth? Or, was it merely a case of the three governments intervening as a coalition in pursuit of their varied interests? What was the strategy that this coalition adopted in pursuit of the member countries interests? It is this attempt to explain and determine the rationale and principal factors that informed the three countries’ decision to intervene in the conflict and the military strategy adopted to safeguard these interests that serve as the focal basis for this study. In trying to answer its key questions, this study uses historical and qualitative approaches in collecting and analysing data not only from both primary and secondary sources but also interviews with participants (some off the record as still serving). Thus, the findings of the research would be analysed critically within the framework of the core objectives of the study, which seek not only to identify and establish how the interests of the governments that intervened in the DRC conflict were the primary motivating factor that informed their decisions on military interventions, but also to ascertain the extent to which the SADC coalition’s military strategy became a principal tool in the attainment and safeguarding of these varying interests as well as how that strategy was utilised as a mechanism for the translation and development of these varying interests into common ones among the intervening countries. Lastly, the study seeks to offer policy suggestions on the execution of future military interventions in African conflicts, particularly at the SADC sub-regional level. Whilst literature on military interventions seems to be informed by realpolitik, with the notions by Barry Buzan (and others) that strong states take decisions to intervene when their geostrategic and economic interests are served, states can also militarily intervene for humanitarian purposes. Using the realist paradigm as a theoretical tool of analysis, the study noted that military intervention can best be understood in terms of the power and interests of particular nation states acting individually or collectively as a coalition using the brand of a sub-regional, regional or even international organisation with or without the mandate of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). An analysis is made on the scholarly legal debates surrounding the decision to intervene by the SADC coalition. The study generally established that the claimed interests that motivated the decisions by the respective governments were generally based on the political, economic and military/security dimensions. A critical evaluation of these respective interests of the interveners show that their interests shifted in regards to the levels of importance (that is primary and secondary level) at the initial stage of the intervention and during the intervention period. The coalition’s military strategy became a tool for attaining, securing and safeguarding of these respective interests. As part of the strategy, the SADC coalition’s Mutual Defence Pact acted as a political and legal guide in the promotion of complimentary and common interests of the interveners. Despite formulating such a military strategy, the unexpected longevity of the intervention impacted on the intervening countries’ logistical capacity to sustain the war effort. An initiative by the DRC government to enter into bilateral business ventures with the respective SADC countries and its awarding of mining concessions to the same was meant to be part, arguably, of sustaining the military intervention. However, this war time economic initiative has raised questions among scholars and policy practitioners on whether or not the decision for intervention by a coalition of these countries was basically underpinned by the quest to attain and safeguard national interests or it was aimed at promoting personal elite interests. Having taken note that the major findings of the study revolve around contentious primary issues relating to foreign policy decision making in the context of military intervention, a number of recommendations are made. These include: · Firstly, the undertaking of cost benefit analyses in regard to political, legal and economic matters prior to a nation’s decision for military intervention; · Secondly, the need for an appropriate and effective sub-regional mechanism guided by a sub-regional legal guide or tool for military intervention that would be utilised within the relevant AU and UN political and military framework; Finally a paradigm shift is needed in the conceptualization of what constitutes national interest. This includes a new theoretical thinking based on unilateral and multilateral military intervention in the present global order which should be based on the global or collective interest where maintenance of international peace, stability and security (more importantly human security) are of primary importance.
The nexus between the United Nations Security Council reform and peacebuilding in Africa.
(2015) Ekwealor, Chinedu Thomas.; Mtshali, Khondlo Phillip Thabo.; Maeresera, Sadiki.
The nexus between the United Nations Security Council reform and peacebuilding in Africa is underpinned by the recognition that the Security Council is the supreme organ of the UN; and its reform saga is a conundrum to Africa’s peacebuilding and security praxis. In assortment of ways, this study observes that the Council is created in atmospheres of major realpolitik and has unrepentantly deprived the African continent for 70 seventy years, of meaningful contribution. As the harbinger for global peace and security, the Council lacks geographic representativity and is bias towards Africa’s real peace which has fanned insecurity paradigm in the continent. The study recognises that African inclusion into the permanent chambers of the Council will entrench Africa’s role for global security and armistice. The African exclusion matrix is a clearly-thought-out strategy of the imperial forces in the Permanent Five (P5) which has processed economic deprivation - making the continent perpetually dependent on imperial powers, and politically marginalised - keeping the same at the periphery of the pot of global politics since 1945. In the current global community, peace in Africa is a call of worldwide significance due largely to the observation that, conflicts in Africa accounts for over calculated 70% of world conflicts. Conflicts destroy the pillars for peace and terminate Africa’s interest to succeed in containing insecurity regime in the region and elsewhere. Conversely, lack of Council’s restructuring has reinforced insecurity regime, and exacerbated the dependency syndrome in the thinking-faculty of African leaders. Actually, some African nations are with necessary capabilities to become permanent members of the Security Council, but US and allies are against African inclusion on the altar of maintaining the status quo and retaining the exclusive core for a realist outlook that, the League of Nations and United Nations are children of World Wars I and II respectively. However, the study among other things learnt that dependency on external actors and marginalisation of Africa may continue until Africa speaks one word with one voice. That is, to demand permanent seat with veto or simultaneously withdraws membership from the UN through the AU’s common front. The study, essentially, extended the frontiers of existing knowledge and expanded the horizons of facts on the Security Council reform, and peacebuilding in Africa.
United States Africa command and human security in Africa.
(2016) Onor, Kester Chukwuma.; Jones, Alison Rae.; Maeresera, Sadiki.
Since 2005, the United States (US) has shifted its justification for the militarization of the African continent to the more humanitarian security-development discourse. This apparent paradigmatic shift presents the United States African Command as more benign than it may be. However, the response to the emergence of United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) has ranged from wholesale condemnation to selective criticism of US policy. Skeptics of AFRICOM cite previous US military forays in Africa which led to a disproportionate development of military institutions relative to instruments of civilian rule. Others see AFRICOM as a naked attempt to exert American control over Africa’s valuable natural resources (Taguem, 2010, Esterhuyse, 2008, Isike, Uzodike and Gilbert, 2008, 2009). On 11th July 2009, while addressing Ghana’s Parliament, President Barack Obama remarked that Africa is not the crude caricature of a continent at war but nonetheless, for far too many Africans, conflict is a part of life, as constant as the sun. He reiterated that America has responsibility to ameliorate the deplorable human security condition of Africans not just in words, but with support that strengthens Africans’ capacity (President Obama’s address to Ghana’s Parliament July 11, 2009). In his 2010 National Security Strategy (NNS), President Obama called for partnership with African nations as they grow their economies, and strengthen their democratic institutions and governance. In June 2012, he approved Presidential policy directives that outline his vision for sub- Saharan Africa. The stated pillars of US strategy towards Africa are to strengthen democratic institutions, to spur economic growth, trade and investment, advancement of peace and security, and the promotion of opportunities and development by promoting food security and transforming Africa’s public health system (US.Strategy toward Sub-Saharan Africa, 2012). The achievement of these stated goals is incumbent on the third goal which AFRICOM is expected to spearhead. Africans predominantly see Washington’s profession of concern for development and security as transparent cover for hegemonic assertions of “Imperialist power” (Stevenson, 2011:28). However, these debates have been based on conjectures informed by a historical review of major power involvement with Africa. There is a need to move from these conjectural debates to provide empirical details of AFRICOM activities and their consequences for human security in Africa. This study therefore contributes to this debate by investigating AFRICOM’s activities since its formation in 2007. The series of activities by AFRICOM on the continent and its intervention in security situations in Libya, Mali, Nigeria and Somalia makes this study very promising in light of the study’s engagement with the strategic possibilities of AFRICOM through a critical review of the objective security conditions in Africa within a changing global security context. The research identifies the nexus between AFRICOM and human security in Africa. By doing so, it articulates the security concerns of African States and contributes to discussions on, and practices of, alternative ways of providing human security to African people(s). This study argues that the lopsided power relationship between the United States of America and Africa engendered the imposition of AFRICOM on Africans without due consultation with the African Union (AU), while the multi-faceted challenges of poverty, inter-ethnic conflicts, religious intolerance, trans-border crimes and terrorist attacks in Africa induced the US government to categorize the continent as zone of conflicts from whence threats to US stability emanate. The thesis also argues that the successful securitization of these threats by United States government engendered the creation of USAFRICOM. The study constructs the above arguments on historical, exploratory, descriptive and critical foundations. The research contains a substantial amount of fieldwork data on which it bases an empirical evaluation and analysis.