Browsing by Author "Zeller, Jochen Klaus."

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A cross-linguistic analysis of finite rasing constructions.
(2011) Ademola-Adeoye, Feyisayo Fehintola.; Zeller, Jochen Klaus.
This thesis provides and discusses a comprehensive collection of empirical data that show that many languages of the world manifest long A-movement of the subjects of embedded finite clauses to the subject position (Hyperraising) or object position (Hyper-ECM) of the main clause. The main theoretical claim of the thesis is that all these instances of long A-movement leave behind resumptive pronouns and should therefore be analysed on a par with related Copy Raising and Copy ECM constructions. My thesis therefore demonstrates that resumption is not restricted to Abar movement contexts, but is also attested in A-movement constructions. Instead of the various language-particular analyses previously proposed in the literature, the thesis focuses on those aspects of long A-movement that all respective constructions in the different languages have in common and therefore provides a unified crosslinguisic analysis of long A-movement constructions. An important empirical generalisation, first noted by Ura (1994), which is empirically supported by the data discussed in this thesis, is that if a language has Hyperraising or Hyper-ECM, it is also a pro-drop language. On the basis of this generalisation, it is argued that Hyperraising and Hyper-ECM constructions involve the use of resumptive pro in the embedded subject position, while languages with Copy Raising and Copy ECM use overt pronouns. Apart from this difference, it is argued that these Amovement constructions are identical in all crucial respects. Furthermore, it is claimed that agreement inside the embedded finite clauses from which long A-movement takes place is indicative of the ability of embedded T to license nominative case on the embedded subject. Hence, no deviation from standard Minimalist assumptions is required. It is suggested that the role of the resumptive subject pronoun is to receive the case assigned by the probing T-head inside the embedded clause. It is also argued that it is the existence of a resumptive pronoun which causes the coreferential subject DP to be without case, which in turn creates a context in which long A-movement of this DP becomes both necessary and possible. This analysis is based on the idea that at first merge, the raised subject is merged with the null/overt resumptive pronoun in the embedded subject position to form one vii complex constituent (which is known in the literature as a „big? DP). While the pronoun remains in the embedded subject position to absorb the case in the embedded finite clause, the raised subject is attracted into the matrix subject position to absorb the case in the matrix clause.
A syntactic analysis of Kinyarwanda applicatives.
(2005) Ngoboka, Jean-Paul.; Zeller, Jochen Klaus.
"A syntactic Analysis of Kinyarwanda applicatives" is a study of the syntax of Kinyarwanda which focuses on applicatives. Applicatives are constructions in which the object of a preposition becomes the direct object of the verb through a grammatical function changing process. In such constructions, the verb bears a morpheme referred to as the applicative morpheme which turns an intransitive verb into a transitive verb and a transitive verb into a ditransitive verb. The derived object may perform various thematic functions, including those of instrument, beneficiary, goal, manner, reason, purpose and motive. The study provides a thorough description of different types of ditransitive applicatives in Kinyarwanda by examining the syntactic properties exhibited by both objects. In general Kinyarwanda may be classified as a 'symmetrical' language in which more than one object can exhibit direct object properties. This is true for instrumental, benefactive and manner applicatives. However, some applicatives in Kinyarwanda such as the locative applicatives are 'asymmetrical' in that only one object exhibits all the direct object properties. In my research I analyse Kinyarwanda applicatives within the framework of Principles-and-Parameters (Chomsky 1981, 1986a, b and subsequent work), more specifically the Government and Binding theory (Chomsky 1981). I base the discussion on three analyses that have been proposed in the literature of applicatives: Baker's (1988) preposition incorporation theory, Larson's (1988) double object construction analysis and Nakamura's (1997) account of object extraction in applicative constructions, which is based on Chomsky's (1995) Minimalist Program. The study shows that the above analyses account for some aspects of applicatives, but that there are certain facts that are not accounted for, which require a different analysis.
Addressing the "standard English' debate in South Africa : the case of South African Indian English.
(2007) Wiebesiek, Lisa.; Rudwick, Stephanie Inge.; Zeller, Jochen Klaus.
This dissertation is an investigation into the 'Standard English' debate in South Africa using South African Indian English (SAlE) as a case study. I examine the 'Standard English' debate from both a sociolinguistic and a syntactic point of view. Since English underwent a process of standardization in the eighteenth century, the concept of 'Standard English' has influenced peoples' attitudes towards different varieties of English and the speakers of those varieties. 'Standard English' has, since this time, been used as a yardstick against which other varieties of English have been judged. In South Africa, where during the apartheid era, language as well as skin colour and ethnicity were used as a basis for discrimination, the 'Standard English' debate and the standard language ideology need to be explored in order to draw attention to areas of potential discrimination. Through an extended review of the literature on the 'Standard English' Debate and a particular focus on South African Indian English, as well as interviews with South African Indian participants, I investigate how the 'Standard English' debate is, more often than not, a debate about ideology, power and inequality, rather than simply about 'good' or 'correct' language usage. I argue that language attitudes are, in many cases, attitudes towards speakers, making them a potential vehicle for discrimination and prejudice. I examine the social history of the South African Indian community and SAIE and argue that the unique history of the South African Indian community has affected the development of SAlE and attitudes towards its speakers, and the attitudes of speakers of SAlE toward their own variety. Furthermore, I explore how this history has affected the syntactic structure of SAlE and provide, through a syntactic analysis of South African Indian English wh-questions, evidence for the fact that these constructions are formed on the basis of a systematic and rule-governed grammar that is different to that of 'Standard English', but is not, as a result of this difference, incorrect.
Against overt particle incorporation.
(University of Pennsylvania. Department of Linguistics. Penn Linguistics Club., 1997) Zeller, Jochen Klaus.
No abstract available.
Can you "dig up the hatchet"? : on the semantic transparency of idioms in English.
(2013) Sutherland, Julia.; Zeller, Jochen Klaus.; Tappe, Heike Magdalena Elfriede.
This thesis is concerned with the connection between syntax and semantics regarding the construction of special meaning in English. To investigate this construction I have taken a selection of English idioms, modified them in structured ways and then presented them to a group of English mother tongue speakers to test whether, although modified, these idioms retain their idiomaticity. These modifications took the form of two specific operations, those of mobility and transferability (the latter operation was created for the purpose of this thesis). An idiom’s parts are considered mobile if its parts can undergo movement and retain an idiomatic reading. In this thesis, the movement operation that I was concerned with was passivisation. An idiom’s parts are considered transferable if one of its parts can be replaced (e.g. the verb with another verb or the object determiner phrase with another determiner phrase) and idiomaticity is retained. I hypothesise that whether an idiom’s parts are transferable and mobile is dependent on whether the idiom is compositional or not. I will discuss the above hypothesis against previous work of both Chomsky’s (1995) Minimalist Program and Jackendoff’s (1997) representational modularity. The results gained in this study show that idioms cannot be categorised neatly as compositional or non-compositional, but rather exist on a continuum of idiomaticity. On the one end of the continuum exist idioms that are completely inflexible and the rate of flexibility increases the further the continuum extends. Therefore on the one side of the scale is an idiom such as “trip the light fantastic” which is inflexible and on the other side is an idiom such as “I lift my hat to you” which is flexible but in restrained ways.
A comparative study of selected ellipsis constructions in English and IsiZulu.
(2018) Bevis, Andrew John.; Zeller, Jochen Klaus.
This work is a comparative study of verb phrase ellipsis (and verb-stranding verb phrase ellipsis), sluicing and gapping, along with some of their subtypes, in English and the Bantu language isiZulu. The goal of the present study was to determine from the literature how ellipsis is characterised in English and which ellipsis constructions are attested in isiZulu, which remains practically unstudied in this regard. There is a large body of literature written in the framework of the Minimalist Program (as part of Generative Grammar) on these ellipsis constructions as they appear in English. I draw on selected discussions from this literature in order to give an overview of these constructions and of the key research questions surrounding the study of ellipsis. These questions involve the nature of the ellipsis site in which linguistic material that would otherwise be required is not pronounced but is nevertheless still interpreted, how ellipsis is licensed, how unpronounced material is recovered and how the process of ellipsis is implemented. This thesis focuses on arguments which suggest that the ellipsis site contains fully articulated syntactic structure which is elided by way of being deleted at PF under the correct focus conditions. Evidence for syntactic conditions on ellipsis is also considered, as are some alternative analyses of ellipsis. The literature on ellipsis in Bantu languages is very scant. I highlight the findings of the few studies on Bantu which do exist, and make an original contribution to this area of study by providing data for the aforementioned ellipsis constructions in isiZulu. Unlike the Bantu languages which have already been reported on, isiZulu does seem to have a type of VP-ellipsis which is just like English VP-ellipsis. A further unexpected finding is that isiZulu does not have verb-stranding VP-ellipsis, which has been reported to exist in some Bantu languages as well as in non-Bantu languages with verb raising. Finally, sluicing and gapping have been reported to be possible in some Bantu languages, and my data shows that they are attested in isiZulu as well.
A comparative study of SV/VS word order in Arabic and Bantu.
(2018) Shakhatreh, Mohammad Gaseem.; Zeller, Jochen Klaus.
This thesis studies the SV/VS word orders in Bantu languages and Arabic dialects. This word orders alternation is correlated with other grammatical features as well as semantic/pragmatic readings of the constituents. The main grammatical feature associated with the SV/VS word order dichotomy discussed in this thesis is: subject-verb agreement and realization of agreement on the verb. If the subject precedes the verb, the verb bears full agreement with the subject; in person, number and gender in Arabic and in noun class in Bantu. However, when the subject follows the verb, the verb bears partial agreement with the subject; in gender (and sometimes person) in Standard Arabic, and full agreement in the modern dialects of Arabic while it bears a default agreement in Bantu. The position of the subject (post-or pre-verbal) also affects the pragmatic reading of the subject. In the SV word order, in most Bantu languages as well Standard Arabic, the subject is interpreted as topic. However, in some modern Arabic dialects, it can be interpreted as focus. In the VS word order, a focus reading is available for the subject in Bantu (and sometimes obligatory), while in Arabic, the whole sentence is presented as all new-information (presentational focus). The study shows that, although both SV/VS word orders in these two language groups can have a unified analysis for their derivational properties and the syntactic operations responsible for deriving both SV/VS word order (Fassi Fehri 1993, Benmamoun 2000, Soltan 2006, Zeller 2006, 2008, Halpert 2012 and many others), it cannot however provide a unified analysis to capture the formal grammatical features such as agreement, and pragmatic ideas such as topic and focus that are correlated with SV/VS word orders in both Bantu and Arabic dialects.
Derived subjects in Kinyarwanda locative constructions.
(University of Stellenbosch. Department of General Linguistics., 2006) Zeller, Jochen Klaus.
No abstract available.
Home language and English language ability in South Africa: Insights from new data.
(Southern African Applied Linguistics Association & The Linguistics Society of Southern Africa., 2010-03-11) Posel, Dorrit Ruth.; Zeller, Jochen Klaus.
In this paper we analyse data on language ability collected in a new nationally representative household survey, the National Income Dynamics Study, which captures information on reading and writing ability, both in the individual’s home language and in English. We find that self-assessed reading and writing ability are highly correlated in the data, and that individuals typically report considerably higher ability in their home language than in English. The data suggest large racial differences in language skills, in the individual’s home language and particularly in English. Racial differences however are narrower among younger adults (aged 15 to 30 years) than among older adults. Furthermore, whereas older women are less likely than older men to report being able to read and write very well, in both their home language and in English, this is reversed among younger women and men. Finally we show that individuals who report good reading and writing ability in their home language and far more likely to report good reading and writing ability in English.
Issues in Zimbabwean Ndebele relatives and relativisation.
(2021) Dube, Progress.; Zeller, Jochen Klaus.; Khumalo, Langa.
This study discusses issues in relatives and relativisation in Ndebele, a Nguni language that is mainly spoken in western parts of Zimbabwe. The study focuses on four major issues: (1) the status and the position of the prefix a- that occurs in Ndebele relative clauses, (2) the relation between the relative operator/head noun and the resumptive pronoun inside the relative clause, (3) the morphosyntax of predicative adjectives, and (4) the derivation of attributive adjectives in Ndebele. These issues are examined within the parameters of the Distributed Morphology framework (Halle, 1990; Halle & Marantz, 1993; Marantz, 1995; Embick & Noyer, 2007; Embick, 2010; 2012 and others). My main submissions in this thesis are the following: (1) the a- prefix that occurs in Ndebele relative clauses is a complementiser marker. I argue that there is Complementiser-to-Tense head movement that lowers the complementiser head after syntax in the formation of strategy 1 relatives. The lowering of the complementiser head to the Tense head results in the complementiser appearing in an unexpected position in strategy 1 relatives. (2) The relative operator merges as a complement of a resumptive pronoun in an n*P. The relative operator is then extracted and copied to spec C leaving the resumptive pronoun stranded in the relativisation site. I maintain that resumptive pronouns are realisations of the n* layer that selects DPs and that the n* head can be realised as pro, as a resumptive clitic or as a full resumptive pronoun. (3) The subject of the adjective is merged as the argument of the root, and then moves to its surface position. (4) There are three types of adjectives, and all the three types of adjectives are complements of copular verbs. I maintain that the attributive function of adjectives is fulfilled by a relative clause construction rather than by an attributive word mainly because Ndebele does not have an attributive adjective word group.
Kinyarwanda locative applicatives and the Minimal Link Condition.
(Southern African Applied Linguistics Association & The Linguistics Society of Southern Africa., 2005) Zeller, Jochen Klaus.; Ngoboka, Jean Paul.
The two objects of ditransitive locative applicatives in Kinyarwanda display asymmetrical behaviour with respect to syntactic movement. Whereas the applied object (the goal) of a locative can be extracted in relative clauses, become the subject of a passive and incorporate as an object marker, the theme cannot undergo any of these operations, at least not as long as the applied object remains in object position. However, once the applied object has been passivised, relativised or incorporated, the theme is also free to move. We analyse these observations on the basis of the Minimal Link Condition (MLC) (Chomsky, 1995; 2000), which excludes movement of an element α to a position K if there is another element β of the same type which is closer to K. We show that the theme cannot move in Kinyarwanda locative applicatives because the applied object is closer to the potential landing site. However, in contexts in which the applied object has been moved ‘out of the way’, the MLC no longer blocks movement of the theme. In our analysis, we discuss a number of key theoretical concepts of the Minimalist Program, such as the Extension Condition, the notion of minimal domain, and derivation by phase.
Kinyarwanda--Locatives.
(2016) Ngoboka, Jean Paul.; Zeller, Jochen Klaus.
This study, titled Locatives in Kinyarwanda, is about Kinyarwanda, a language spoken in Rwanda and its neighboring countries. It aims to investigate issues related to locatives and locative constructions in Kinyarwanda, namely, locative markers, locative shift, and locative inversion and related constructions. The issues investigated are the following: the syntactic status of the locative markers ku-, mu-, and i- of classes 17, 18, and 19, respectively, and the corresponding locative elements hó, mó and yó; the derivation of locative shift and locative inversion, the question of whether the preposed locative DPs/expressions are base-generated in the preverbal position or whether they are the result of movement from the postverbal position, and whether they are subjects or topics. The study is conducted within the framework of the Minimalist Program, with phase theory and Locality (the Minimal Link Condition) playing a prominent role in my analysis. These theories are complemented by a theory of small clauses as Relator phrases (Den Dikken, 2006, 2007), and incorporation theory (Baker, 1988). The study shows that, despite having the semantic properties of prepositions, syntactically, the Kinyarwanda locative markers ku-, mu-, and i- are determiners similarly to augments and demonstratives. It is shown that the locative elements hó, mó, and yó are clitics and that they are derived either morphologically by combining the locative marker with the pronominal root -ó or syntactically by incorporation of a locative D-head into a functional head that is realized by this pronominal stem. It is shown that locative shift and different types of locative inversion involve a small clause in their derivation. The main claim defended in this thesis is that these constructions are based on the same syntactic configuration and derivational processes: a locative D-head, realized as a locative marker, selects a Locative DP to form a "big" locative DP; when the locative marker incorporates into the functional head that selects the "big DP", the Locative DP moves from the small clause to the specifier of a higher functional head (the so-called Linker in Locative shift constructions, and T in locative inversion constructions). It is also shown that Locative DPs in semantic locative inversion are structural subjects, whereas the preposed locative expressions in formal locative inversion are topics which are base-generated in the left periphery, from where they bind a locative pro in the subject position.
Light verbs in Hindi.
(2015) Suleman, Faheem.; Zeller, Jochen Klaus.
Light verbs (LVs) can be defined as a group of grammatical verbs that are semantically bleached, which means that they have lost some of their lexical content. While light verbs are found in many languages throughout the world, a study of the South Asian language Hindi reveals a wealth of light verbs of various types. Syntactically, the light verb category (v) in transitive sentences is considered to have a causal feature that is responsible for the thematic licensing of the so-called ‘external’ agent argument (Hale and Keyser 1993; Chomsky 1995). Previous studies of Hindi light verbs have shown that they can appear in the forms N+V, A+V and V+V , (Mohanan 1991, 2006; Kachru 2006). In addition, light verbs have been assumed to be responsible for hosting tense and aspect features, licensing arguments, and functioning as auxiliaries. I argue that there are four LV categories in Hindi: conjunct LV, compound LV, permissive LV, passive LV. Due to the variety of light verb constructions (LVCs) in Hindi and the diversity of situations in which they are used, the Minimalist definition of the LV, which only assumes a single category, v, is inadequate to account for all types of LVs at a cross-linguistic level. The presence of multiple light verbs that can co-occur in a single sentence is evidence that there are several light verb categories or verbal extended projections within the syntactic architecture that need to be investigated. In this dissertation, I provide a syntactic account of LVCs in Hindi by classifying the different types of light verbs according to their functions and morphological properties. In addition, I postulate an expanded syntactic representation, the v Domain, that includes all four light verbs in Hindi as extended v projections within the vP. This assumption is guided by the theoretical framework of Cartography, which investigates the presence of detailed syntactic configurations within the current Minimalist architecture, see Cinque and Rizzi (2008).
Light verbs in Hindi.
(2015) Suliman, Faheem.; Zeller, Jochen Klaus.
Abstract available in PDF file.
Object marking in isiZulu.
(Southern African Applied Linguistics Association & The Linguistics Society of Southern Africa., 2012) Zeller, Jochen Klaus.
I examine object marking in the Nguni language isiZulu, focusing specifically on those properties that are subject to micro-parametric variation within the Bantu family. This includes the occurrence of object markers in object relative clauses and in double object constructions, and the correlation between object marking and dislocation. I also address the extent to which my findings support either a pronoun- or an object agreement-analysis of object markers. My results provide support for the idea that object markers in isiZulu are in the process of changing from pronominal clitics into agreement markers.
On clitic left dislocation in Zulu.
(Rudiger Koppe Verlag., 2005) Zeller, Jochen Klaus.
No abstract available.
On the relation between noun prefixes and grammaticalisation in Nguni relative clauses.
(Wiley-Blackwell., 2006) Zeller, Jochen Klaus.
This paper discusses morphological and syntactic aspects of relative clauses in two related Southern Bantu language groups. In Sotho-Tswana, object relative clauses are formed by means of clause-initial relative complementisers which agree with the head noun. In contrast, object relatives in the Nguni languages are formed by means of relative concords which are attached to the relative clause predicate and express agreement with the subject. I suggest that the Nguni relative concords are the result of a grammaticalisation process in which early Nguni relative complementisers first turned into clitics and then into relative concords. On the basis of a detailed analysis of this process I further argue that the syntactic difference between Sotho-Tswana and Nguni relative clauses is correlated with a morphological difference between nouns in these languages.
On the subject marker in Kinyarwanda.
(Southern African Applied Linguistics Association & The Linguistics Society of Southern Africa., 2008) Zeller, Jochen Klaus.
This article examines the morphosyntactic representation of the subject agreement marker (SM) in null subject constructions in the Bantu language Kinyarwanda. Three prominent analyses are compared. The first analysis treats the SM in null subject constructions as a pronoun which receives the subject theta role in the morphology. The second approach analyses the SM as a syntactic pronoun, i.e. as a determiner phrase (DP) which receives its theta role in [Spec, V] and then moves to [Spec, T]. The third analysis is based on the theory of pro, which assumes that the subject theta role in null subject constructions is assigned to a phonetically unrealised pronoun. According to the pro-theory, the SM is simply a reflex of agreement between the verb and the null subject pro. The paper shows that the first analysis, which treats the SM as a morphological pronoun, must be rejected for Kinyarwanda on empirical grounds. In contrast, the paper argues that both remaining alternatives represent feasible accounts. The study identifies the empirical predictions and theoretical consequences which are associated with each of these two competing alternatives.
On the syntax of derived nominals in English and Greek.
(2009) Papadakis, Dimitrios.; Zeller, Jochen Klaus.
This study exammes different approaches to analysing the syntactic derivation of nouns from verbs within the theoretical framework of Principles and Parameters (PP phrases by presenting a contrastive study of English and Greek derived nominal expressions. The thesis discusses the well-known distinction between result nominals and process nominals, and it demonstrates that, in contrast to result nominals, process nominals license argument structure obligatorily and can be modified by aspectual adverbials. It is shown that the role of functional categories is crucial for an explanation of the differences between these two noun classes of derived nominals. In particular, it is suggested, following a proposal by Alexiadou (2001), that the verbal functional categories vP and AspectP are projected with process nominals, but not with result nominals. This analysis also accounts for the derivation of Greek nouns from ergative/unaccusative verbs, but it also explains the projection of the patient/theme as the internal argument of a result nominal and the aspectual modification of passive nominals.
Raising out of finite CP in Nguni: the case of fanele.
(Southern African Applied Linguistics Association & The Linguistics Society of Southern Africa., 2006) Zeller, Jochen Klaus.
The Nguni modal verb fanele can select a finite clause in the subjunctive mood as its complement. Typically, the thematic subject of this clausal complement remains in the embedded subject position, in which case the matrix verb fanele is prefixed with the expletive marker ku-. However, in another possible construction with fanele, the thematic subject of the embedded subjunctive clause is realised in the matrix subject position and agrees with both fanele and the embedded verb. In this paper, I provide empirical evidence that the matrix subject in the latter construction originates in the embedded clause but has undergone raising (A-movement) to the matrix subject position. I then offer a theoretical discussion of this type of raising out of finite CPs based on the concept of ‘defectiveness’ and the theory of phases which underlie the analysis of raising constructions advocated in the Minimalist Program (Chomsky, 2000; 2001; 2005).