Conflict Resolution and Peace Studies
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Item Manipulation of ethnic identity during the colonial reform of administration (1926-1931) and conflict in Rwanda.(2004) Binenwa, Jean Bosco N.; Balinda, Rwigamba.This study aimed to highlight factors used by the Belgian authorities to divide Rwandans during the Colonial Reform Process between 1926 and 1931. More specially, it is aimed at identifying how they mobilised Hutu, Tutsi and Twa social classes and transformed the ethnic identities. To achieve this goal, unstructured interviews and a questionnaire were used. In addition, several data analyses were also used to measure and decipher the attitudes of both the interview and survey's respondents. The results indicated the conflict started when the Belgian colonisers implemented indirect rules that highlighted a selected elite from the Tutsi Tribe. This group benefited from social and economic advantages which totally excluded the Hutu and Twa tribes. With the reform, the previous traditional structure was destroyed, and with the new administration only Tutsi chiefs remained whereas Hutu and Twa chiefs were rendered obsolete. Tutsi were seen as born chiefs. On the contrary, they judged the Hutu good for manual work and exploited them as a labour force. For a deep acceptance of this new order, colonisers reinforced ethnic policies with ideological assumptions which defined Tutsi as the superior race. In this regard, several ethnologists and anthropologists attempted to prove the Hamitic origin of the Tutsi, allowing Belgians to use the "Hamitic Myth", which assumed that the Tutsi was the only group able to understand development and to command at the request of the colonial state. In addition, Belgians decided to issue identity cards which clearly stated the bearer's tribal origin. This undoubtedly influenced people to develop ethnic feelings and disposed the most fiercely rival groups (Hutu and Tutsi) to ethnic competition that led to outbreaks of violence in 1959 when Belgians shifted their allegiance from Tutsi to Hutu as the fomer was asking for independence. The scarcity of environmental resources increased the desire to monopolise control of the country as this was continually perceived as only means of access to resources. This led Rwandan politicians to use ethnicity as a way to secure power. Consequently, a culture of ethnic violence became entrenched. This culminated in genocide from April to July 1994.Item Experiences and attitudes of children towards corporal punishment.(2009) Ntshingila, Sylvia Ntombifuthi.; Sathiparsad, Reshma.The overall objective of the study is to explore with young people their attitudes and experiences of corporal punishment. The specific aims are: i) To explore children’s experiences of corporal punishment ii) To ascertain children’s attitudes towards corporal punishment iii) To explore alternatives that children suggest to corporal punishment as a form of discipline In this study I conducted in-depth interviews with eighteen early adolescents between ages of 10 to 15 year olds from a community in Imbali, KwaZulu Natal, and Pietermaritzburg. It was intentional to explicitly work with children from a similar black township of Zulu background. Hence the only representation I sought to address in this group was gender and the group was equally represented with 9 boys and 9 girls using a snowball sampling. The prominent findings of the study which confirm some of the previous studies of particularly Dawes et el (2004 and 2005); Maree and Cherian (2004); and De Wet (2009): Mothers are the prominent disciplinarians in the home. Adults use and support corporal punishment as tool to discipline. Criminalising corporal punishment has not been effective. Corporal punishment has worked as a temporary deterrent. Children still think corporal punishment is the only way to prevent children from being spoiled this is despite the fact that they think of it as painful. Boys tend to be more aggressive after the punishment. Girls are more fearful prior to the punishment. Children prefer being punished at home rather than at school. Collective punishment by teachers in schools was seen as unfair. Most preferred alternative to physical punishment was withholding of privileges like pocket money.Item Traditional approaches to peacemaking and conflict resolution : the case of Wunlit, South Sudan.(2003) Kundu, Mariam Ayoti.; Sathiparsad, Reshma.This study explores how traditional conflict resolution mechanisms were used to transform the conflict between the Dinka and Nuer communities in Wunlit, south Sudan in 1999. Various people perceived, experienced and played different roles in the process. Through story telling and the sacrifice of a white bull, the two communities entered a covenant which still holds four years later. The merger of previously antagonistic liberation movements with strong Dinka and Nuer constituencies, respectively, two years after Wunlit is seen by some as a dividend of Wunlit. People-centred peacemaking processes can be credited for contributing to enduring peace.Item Educating for peace at pre-school: a case study of Khulanathi educare centre.(2003) Umurerwa, Blandine.; Harris, Geoffrey Thomas.Pre-schools, as the entry point to formal education are increasingly expected to play an invaluable role in the promotion of peace. As such, this study sets out to investigate the nature and extent to which one pre-school, namely Khulqnathi Educare Gentre in Pietermaritzburg (KEG), adheres to the 'peaceful schools' model with respect to its organization, curriculum, learning methods and the handling of conflict. The research approach taken in this study was qualitative and exploratory, relying on self-administered questionnaires, reviewing literature and documentary analysis. The researcher also spent some time at the school to observe day-to-day activities. Parents and teachers constituted the study's respondents. The study reveals an innovative approach to teaching at KEG in which peace education is treated as an integral part of the entire learning and teaching processes. This innovation gets impetus from the school's constitution, which endorses peace education. Peace values are promoted through the curriculum in general, and in particular, the teaching and learning methods and in the school's approaches to handling conflict. Peace education does not stand out as an explicit goal. Rather, it is an integral compc;ment of the four cornerstones of the KEG's learning and teaching processes. Approaches to resolving conflict through dialogue at the school further demonstrate the school's adherence to the peaceful school model. A close working relationship between the school staff and parents ensures that children are exposed to peace values both at home and at school. In summary, the questionnaires, observations and the school documents lead to the conclusion that KEG is closely conforms to the peaceful school model. The study also offers some general insights on peace education in pre-schools and some recommendations specifically meant for Khulanthi Educare's situation.Item Women in peace-building: perspectives of women in Durban.(2004) Vardhan, Desiree.; Sathiparsad, Reshma.For centuries, women's opinion on matters of peace building were largely ignored. The importance of women's participation in peacebuilding cannot be better expressed than in the United Nations Security Council's Resolution 1325 of 2000. This resolution, which was unanimously adopted by the council, calls for the broad participation of women in peace buildlng and post conflict reconstruction. The primary data aspect of this study was conducted with a diverse group of women based in Durban . Ten women where interviewed with the aim of gathering data about their experiences of peace buildlng and their vision of peace. They viewed their approaches as often distinct from men and believed that the significance of their peace buildlng work is not adequately recognized. What these ten women have in common is courage, tenacity and a long term vision of a world in peace. They view the attainment of peace and a return to normality as everyone's ' responsibility and everyone's concern. Women, men, politicians and religious and civic organizations should be seen as working toqether in buildlng peace.Item The Rwandan process of unity and reconciliation : its potential for building sustainable peace.(2003) Mugabe, Aggee M. Shyaka.; Harris, Geoffrey Thomas.This study is an evaluation of the Rwandan unity and reconciliation process and was undertaken to assess whether it possesses the potential for building sustainable peace in the country. The study used an analytical method to measure the key activities of the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission, the national body that oversees the efforts aimed at promoting unity and reconciliation among Rwandans. Before properly analysing the process, the study outlined a number of conditions that are necessary for true reconciliation and sustainable peace to be achieved. The analysis allowed a comparison of these conditions to the context in which the unity and reconciliation process is being conducted in Rwanda. This required the exploration of the entire situation at political, economic and social levels. Particular attention has been paid to the situation after the 1994 genocide to examine developments from then until to the present. It became evident during the study that decisive structural changes have been undertaken to prepare a supportive environment for unity, reconciliation and peace. Appropriate structures' reform occurs in the domains of good governance, economic planning and justice. It also became evident, however, that some important obstacles to unity and peace persist, specifically poverty, reluctance to cooperate with 'Gacaca' traditional courts, corruption and opportunistic political leaders. Appropriate measures have to be taken in addressing these issues for sustainable peace to be a new way of life for all Rwandans. Generally, the study showed that the process of unity and reconciliation in Rwanda has the potential to succeed since high governing leaders are engaged to restore unity and reconciliation in the country. Political will, the study revea led, is an essential ingredient for sustainable peace. The study also listed a number of encouraging results of the process and proposed some measures to strengthen unity, reconciliation and peace.Item Coaching as an empowerment tool for financial advisors to transform the South African life assurance industry.(2014) Nyamunda, John.; Tschudin, Alain Jean-Paul Charles.Life assurance remains one of the most recognised effective mitigating tool to reduce risks faced in people’s daily lives (Naidoo, 2010). This is effectively done through a financial planning process conducted by financial advisors. In South Africa, 60% of financial advisors at present are white males 50 years and older, while only 10% of financial advisors are mostly black advisors under 30 years of age (The Institute of Practice Management, 2010). This is despite the fact that in the general population white people form only 8.9% of South African population (Department of Labour, 2013). Employment transformation in general remains slow and as of 2012, 72.6% of top managerial positions were occupied by white people (Department of Labour, 2013). This is despite the efforts being made by financial services companies through the Financial Services Charter, where they are paying 1.5% of payroll (in addition to the skills development levy) for training. Training provided by life assurance companies to Financial Advisors is mostly classroom style which focuses on the sales cycle, the law and product information. It does not take into account differences in financial advisor backgrounds. Using the current training methods being employed, more financial advisors from ‘suburb’ schools (mostly white) will have better outcomes compared to financial advisors from ‘township’ schools (mostly black) (Equal Education, 2011). This means transformation, as desired by life houses remains unachieved. Inequality that can be aligned with cultural, race, religious identity or ethnicity (horizontal inequality) is more likely to lead to conflict (Kanbur, 2007 & Steward, 2005). The majority of sales people reach their full potential through effective training and sales coaching (Rich, 1998, p. 52). Sales coaching of financial advisors is done haphazardly by life assurance companies as great emphasis is put on classroom based training. This thesis argues that life assurance companies should include coaching as a fundamental part of their training programme, if they want to achieve transformation. I suggest using a Gestalt approach to coaching of financial advisors. In this thesis, the conflict race theory (CRT) is used to have an in-depth understanding of conflict transformation in the South African life assurance sector.Item South Africa and peacebuilding in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) 1996 – 2016 : probing the attitudes of Congolese refugees in Durban.(2016) Makanda, Joseph.; Naidu, Uma Maheshvari.; Mtshali, Khondlo Phillip Thabo.This study is anchored on the crisis of Congolese refugees that is taking an astronomical proportion in South Africa. While in different parts in South Africa Congolese refugees may initiate actions that may fuel the magnitude of a new or the ongoing conflict on one hand, and those that may transform and end war the DRC’s war. The study probes the views and insights of the Congolese refugees on South Africa’s peacebuilding interventions in the DRC’s conflict and contends that South Africa can draw from the views, insights and perception of Congolese refugees as another alternative of bolstering its current peace building interventions in the DRC. The study draws heavily on data gathered from four (4) focus group discussions and 58 in-depth interviews (comprising mainly, the Congolese scholars and civil rights activists in Durban). The study uses conflict transformation and realism theories. From a conflict transformation perspective, the study argues that drawing from the views and insights of the Congolese refugees may bolster an all-encompassing South African peacebuilding intervention in the DRC’s conflict. On the other hand, through the tenets of realism, study argues that South Africa can draw from the insights of the Congolese refugees as one way of achieving its dominant interests of having a stable DRC and Africa. Through a survey of scholarship on the link between refugees and conflict transformation, the findings of this study reveals that the inclusion of the views and insights of Congolese refugees in its peacebuilding interventions may earn South Africa respect on the continent as a country that respects the contribution of refugees in peacebuilding. This may advance South Africa’s interest of taking the lead in peace operations in Africa. However, the study also reveals that by participating in peacebuilding while pushing for more economic relations with DRC, the South Africa’s interventions in the DRC’s conflict can be termed as a predatory and exploitative way of the economics of war. For instance, the Inga Dam, agriculture and the abundance of mineral resources to which some South African companies own mining rights, underscores a realist argument that any intervening state intervenes in a conflict country in pursuit of its national interests. The findings of this study also reveal that, by drawing on the views of the marginalised non-state actors like Congolese refugees in its peacebuilding interventions in the DRC, South Africa may fulfill its desire of avoiding spill-overs from the effects of the war in the form of the incessant influx of Congolese refugees. An end to war in the DRC may be one way of furthering economic interests of the South African business segments. Having taken note that the major findings of the study revolve around contentious primary issues relating to the role of Congolese refugees within South Africa’s peacebuilding interventions, a number of recommendations are made. These include: 1. Establishment of refugees’ resource centres as a new approach of mitigating their forgotten role in peacebuilding processes. 2. Clarification of the conflicting interests of South Africa’s peacebuilding interventions in the DRC. 3. Inclusion of other non-state actors in South Africa’s peacebuilding interventions. Finally, a paradigm shift is needed in the conceptualization of what constitutes conflict transformation more so peacebuilding interventions. This includes a new theoretical thinking based on gaining vital views, insights and perspectives from non-state actors like Congolese refugees in South Africa.Item Interrogating the provision of secondary school education in Hopley and Caledonia communities: a lens into internal displacement in Zimbabwe.(2016) Benhura, Abigail Rudorwashe.; Naidu, Uma Maheshvari.Internal displacement is a tenacious social ill that has gripped the global community affecting the lives of millions of people. Despite the fact that this form of forced migration has become common lexicon at an international level, there is a dearth of studies on the impact of internal displacement on the accessibility of secondary school education. Therefore, the central focus of this study was to probe how internal displacement has impacted on the provision of secondary school education on Hopley and Caledonia communities. The study cited Hopley and Caledonia in Zimbabwe as communities that host internally displaced persons (IDPs) whose homes were demolished through Operation Murambatsvina in 2005. The study focused on the premise that forced migration invariably leads to deprivations in the lives of the victims. The study explored how the IDPs’ loss of shelter inevitably led to the failure to access secondary school education for the majority of the children. This was entrenched in the non-adherence to international statutes by institutions mandated to facilitate them so as to alleviate the challenges of internal displacement. In order to ground the study in a way that would give the scope of understanding of IDPs’ perceptions of the phenomenon and its effects on education, the study mainly used the Capability Approach as a theoretical framework. The Capability Approach enhanced the understanding that the lack of provision of education to displaced children denied them the opportunity to be what they can potentially be. In addition, the Entitlement Approach and Critical Theory were also used to interpret the role of education in the pursuit of social justice and inalienable human rights among the internally displaced people in the two communities. As internal displacement in Zimbabwe is politically sensitive, this led to the use of the qualitative research paradigm to seek the IDPs and other key actors’ subjective interpretations of this phenomenon. Furthermore, purposive sampling was used to select respondents whose children were of secondary school going age in these communities. The non-random and subjective nature of sampling was driven by the fact that the study specifically intended to select IDPs whose children’s access to education had been affected by internal displacement. Thematic and content analysis were used to analyse the empirical data and secondary evidence respectively. The study established that internal displacement in Zimbabwe resulted in the people being dispossessed of both their shelter and potential futures through the lack of education. Furthermore, the findings suggest that the lack of education increased the IDPs’ invisibility compounded by the government and global community’s failure to institute international policies and norms on internal displacement. Thus, the study makes a meaningful contribution to the body of knowledge on the discourse on ‘missing migrants’ in the form of IDPs in Zimbabwe. The implication of these findings is the need to deconstruct and recategorise IDPs in Zimbabwe so that they can benefit from the various internal displacement policies and international instruments.Item Human trafficking and its ramifications : the nexus between conflict and trafficking in persons: a case study of the union of Burma.(2015) Bunjira, Nyasha Carol.; Mngomezulu, Bhekithemba Richard.Human trafficking often affects people who are marginalised, disadvantaged, isolated, unprotected or in desperate situations. Disempowerment, social and political exclusion and economic vulnerability are results of policies and practices that marginalize groups of people and make them particularly vulnerable to being trafficked. Natural disasters, conflict and political turmoil weaken already tenuous protection measures. However, individuals are vulnerable to being trafficked not only because of conditions in their countries of origin. The allure of opportunity, the relentless demand for cheap and inexpensive goods and services and the expectation of reliable income also play a role in driving people into potentially risky situations where they can be exposed to human trafficking and exploitation. Conflict creates a unique set of vulnerability factors that must be addressed in any discussion on the issue of human trafficking in conflict situations. The disruption of community life, along with its protective framework, and the resulting displacement create extreme vulnerability to human trafficking and exploitation. Trafficking in conflict situations is a subject on which little research has been done, and which is seldom addressed in counter-trafficking initiatives. Significantly, the proliferation of conflicts around the world, from the Middle East, South East Asia to Africa, which largely affect civilians and result in unprecedented numbers of displaced people and refugees, thus, human trafficking and exploitation would appear as unintended consequences. In conflict settings such as the Union of Burma1, human trafficking flourishes. Therefore, failure to realise and address these issues can result in the permanent entrenchment of this phenomenon. Accordingly, this research aims to build insights into the nexus between conflict and human trafficking to stakeholders involved in counter-trafficking, so that they can put forward and develop solutions best suited to the conditions in conflict situations. The study explores the relationship between armed conflict and human trafficking using the Union of Burma as a case study.Item Vertical integration peacebuilding in transforming African conflicts : peace mechanisms in the Democratic Republic of Congo, South Sudan and Somalia.(2016) Zvaita, Gilbert Tinashe.; Francis, Suzanne.Different parts of the African continent have been subject to conflict. Over the years, both state and non-state actors to provide lasting solutions to peace have embarked on various peacebuilding initiatives. Despite different programs, projects, and peace agreements that have been signed and established. It however, remains a challenge in most post-conflict countries to secure lasting peace. In most cases, there has been relapse of conflict within a period of 5 years after the peace accord, or within a decade of peace programs. This research approaches the African conflict problem from a theoretical standpoint, to challenge the dominance of liberal concepts of peace that remain an impasse in grounding necessary structures that may be of significant help to build sustainable peace. Vertical integration peacebuilding is engaged as a hybrid peace theory in analyzing the various peacebuilding procedures that have been applied over the years by international organizations, state actors and regional actors in the continent. DRC, Somalia and South Sudan are the relevant case studies. The main argument is not to dismiss the progress achieved so far. Rather it seeks to engage on a corrective analysis of the strategic impasses that have been sabotaging the transformation processes that can be of much significance in dealing with the conflict problems. There have been repetitive liberal/top-down/paternalistic peacebuilding approaches in the past two or more decades in Africa’s conflict countries with little or no significant changes in the transformation of peace. Therefore, vertical integration as a peacebuilding approach is engaged to expose the weaknesses of the dominant liberal peace mechanisms that guides various institutions of peace in Africa. The researcher outlines the importance of developing more local peace ownership programs and establishing a legitimate support for peacebuilding programs from below as an effective and alternative way of ushering in sustainable peacebuilding programs. Henceforth, sector security reform, and disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programs, which are particular to peacebuilding, can therefore gain more local support if they are designed through the perspectives of the local communities.Item Probing marital conflicts within the context of migrant families from Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in Durban, KwaZulu-Natal Province.(2017) Umubyeyi, Beatrice Samson.; Naidu, Uma Maheshvari.This study is based on marital conflict among migrant families from the Democratic Republic of Congo living in Durban, South Africa. It aims to explore and examine the extent of marital conflicts among these migrant families, investigate the root causes of marital conflicts among them and examine whether there is any relationship between marital conflict and migration. Additionally, this study aims to investigate if there are any existing approaches to marital conflicts resolution among Congolese migrant families and if so, to identify them as well as examine their functions and effectiveness. The theoretical framework within which this study is constructed includes the theories of Social Constructionism, Symbolic Interactionism, and Conflict Transformation. This study utilises a qualitative approach; 20 men and 20 women married, divorced and separated Congolese migrants participated in the initial questionnaires. Respondents in this study were identified through two selected Congolese migrant Churches. In-depth personal interviews were conducted with 8 men and 8 women volunteers from those participated in the questionnaires and with two church leaders and church Counsellors from where participants were selected. The target group for this study were men and women married, divorced or separated, from Congolese migrant community living in Durban. Respondents in these categories are selected because of their own experiences in marriage. The research has used a random and judgmental sampling method. After examining the extent of marital conflict among migrant families from the DRC living in Durban, the findings show that marital conflict among these families is prevalent. The findings from this study also demonstrate that there are a number of root causes and factors that results in marital conflict among them. These include family life stress, unemployment, lack of communication between couples, changing behaviour of one or both partners, the influence of relatives or friends and lack of social support. It was also revealed that other factors such as the absence of one partner, emotional and financial depravation of one partner and alcohol abuse also contributed to marital conflict among migrant families from DRC living in Durban. In examining whether there is a relationship between marital conflict and migration among Congolese migrant families in Durban, the majority of the study participants agreed that there is a close relationship between marital conflict and migration. Several indicators were identified and these include the change of behaviour by one or both partners in the host country, family life stress, unemployment. With regards to whether there are any approaches to marital conflict resolution among these families, the findings from this study show that there are several approaches to marital conflict resolution. Negotiation and mediation however were considered to be the key approaches in solving marital conflict among Congolese migrant families living in Durban.Item The impact of the socio-political context on peace education: experiences from three selected universities in Zimbabwe.(2015) Mashingaidze, Sikhululekile.; Ndlovu, Joram.In this dissertation, I focus on the impact of the socio-political context on the experiences of the teaching and learning of peace at Africa University (AU), the National University of Science and Technology (NUST) and the Midlands State University (MSU). The study is entrenched within the Systems and Marxist theories of education as well as the transformational conflict theory. My central argument is that peace education is currently operating within constrained environment within which it is viewed with suspicion as a western inspired regime change agenda. This is evident in the onslaught that it faces from state aligned media. Secondly, the potential effectiveness of peace education is also hindered by partisan political tampering that has kept its content and pedagogical approaches on a leash to ensure that it steers clear of controversial yet pertinent issues. Due to this evident lack of political will students argue that current peace education initiatives are not only irrelevant but designed to mollify them so they do not question the injustices of their lived realities. In my study I underscore that the sanctioning of peace education in Zimbabwean universities remains cosmetic in the absence of political will to address the structural socio-political imbalances that currently militate against the values of plurality, tolerance, truth telling, forgiveness and reconciliation. This dissertation mainly draws on former and current students, lecturers and retired educationists‟ subjective interpretations of their teaching, learning and existential experiences.Item Peacebuilding among Shona communities in transition in Zimbabwe: a participatory action research.(2015) Chivasa, Norman.; Kaye, Sylvia.This study is a participatory action research (PAR) intervention that examined the contributions of informal peace committees to peacebuilding in Zimbabwe. The emergence of informal peace committees as a diverse segment of Shona customary courts is a demonstration of institutional transformation that has taken place among the Shona people. In many respects, the discourse on peace committees, as peacebuilding mechanisms has gathered momentum in recent years owing to the relative success stories recorded in countries such as Afghanistan, Colombia, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Kenya, Philippines, Sudan, Uganda. In these and other countries that have experienced violent conflict, communities have taken responsibility to set up informal peace committees in order to address peace challenges bedevilling them. To interrogate systematically the contributions of informal peace committees to peacebuilding, this study established a 15-member ward peace committee (WPC) in Ward 8 of Seke district, Mashonaland East Province. Since the study was predominantly participatory, requiring the researcher to work with a small advisory team, a 15 member WPC became the participatory action group (PAG). A total of 42 participants and informants involving 21 males and 21 females were purposively sampled in the study, and due to its participatory nature, the PAG played multiple roles which included planning, convening meetings, implementing resolutions and the analysis of data. Data obtained from weekly and monthly WPC meetings were complemented with participant observation, six in-depth interviews, a WPC focus group, three village peace committee (VPC) focus groups and seven narratives on experiences of informal peace committees in Harare, Marondera, Mutare and Wedza districts. From the findings, one of the major themes that stood out was that informal peace committees give members of the village the opportunity to come together and share ideas on problems bedevilling them. Another popular view but also related to the above, was that informal peace committees are a direct response by communities to take responsibility for their own peace as they open space for building relationships through collaborative resolution of conflicts as well as fostering the improvement of livelihoods through low cost entrepreneurial activities such as bee-keeping, market gardening, farming, vegetable drying and poultry. These activities have made marked differences in that low-income communities have coped with economic shocks thereby mitigating violent conflict. The study concluded that informal peace committees are an effective means of building peace because communities take responsibility for their own peace using local resources and skills. It recommends that while informal peace committees should remain independent and community-based, they can feed into mainstream peacebuilding in Zimbabwe, in particular, the National Peace and Reconciliation Commission (NPRC) which was created in May 2013.Item Water access policies: probing water access policies and positive peace in a Zimbabwean rural setting.(2016) Shoko, Evans.; Naidu, Uma Maheshvari.This study sought to establish the correlation between water access policies, informal practices and positive peace. The study was carried out in Village One, Ward 11, Mhondoro-Ngezi District in Mashonaland West Province of Zimbabwe. It was grounded in qualitative research using the Sequential Mixed Model method. Stratified purposive sampling was used to interview 20 Village One residents (10 men and 10 women) – from a total of 203 adults – to achieve a measure of gender balance and to make responses more representative. The study also interviewed 5 key informants from the Mhondoro-Ngezi Rural District Council. Participant observations, documentary analysis and questionnaires were administered to provide triangulation of data. Deductive content analysis and thematic analysis was used to discuss findings. The study used the theory of positive and negative peace, common property resource management theory and conflict transformation theory. Content analysis of texts revealed that Zimbabwe’s water policy and related laws protect the rights of the citizens, encourage participation in their formulation but the provisions are hardly implemented. Findings revealed that participants understand some aspects of positive peace in relation to water access. Informal practices also shape people’s access to water through the effective use of local rules, although most of these rules are now being disregarded. Findings showed that there remains a gap between water supply and access. Findings also revealed that the use of informal practices is more effective to water access for productive uses, while formal water institutions can usefully work towards drilling of boreholes. Participants lack information about water policies and institutions, as communications are always confined to political leaders and government technocrats.Item Religion, conflict and peacebuilding in Africa: the role of the church in the peacebuilding process in the Democratic Republic of Congo from 2001-2006.(2017) Oladosu, Steve Tai.; Mtshali, Khondlo Phillip Thabo.; Gwala, Sbusisiwe Philile.This study examines the roles of the Church and its models of peace effort in the DRC from 2001 to 2016. The main objective is to identify and analyze the impact of the role of the church on the conflict; to evaluate the success of the Church in Peacebuilding from 2001-2016; to examine the key challenges and opportunities facing the Churches in its intervention, and; to identify how the church could maximize its peacebuilding potential in the DRC. Thus, the following questions were set forth to guide the research: 1) what role has the church played in DRC conflict from 2001 to 2016? 2) What successes has the church achieved? 3) What obstacles has the Church faced in its peace efforts? 4) How can the church deal with these obstacles to maximize its potential of achieving a sustainable peace in the DRC? Therefore, the qualitative approach is found appropriate for these research questions, because it grants valuable understanding of the issues through a careful examination of historical data. So, the non-empirical study makes use of secondary sources of data collection.Also, John Paul Lederach’s “peacebuilding pyramid” is opted for as the conceptual framework. The framework focus on reconciliation and on reconstruction of broken down relationships: a process that recognizes that conflicts are essentially types of relationships and prioritizes on addressing its psychological components. Therefore, it was used to address such questions as, should peace be built from the top down, or from the bottom up? What parts should the various actors play? Are there spaces for the church at all the three levels? However, the key study finding was that the Church in the DRC is large, strong, and significant. With these, and its predictable solidarity with the grassroots populace, have the capacity to transform conflict situation in the DRC. The study also reveals that the church in the DRC are engaged in a kind of reactive approach to peace work which focuses on the immediate conflict, with no long-term peace process to address the root cause, and to deal with those policies and structures that sustains conflicts. The researcher thus maintains that the Church in the DRC needs a review of their models of engagement in conflict transformation and peacebuilding.Item An analysis of state-led reconciliation processes : the case of Zimbabwe.(2018) Tofa, Moses.; Moore, Candice.This study uses case studies to critique the strengths and shortcomings of state-led reconciliation processes in Zimbabwe and to examine how state-led and community-based reconciliation processes complement or conflict with each other. Its main research question is that “what is the relationship between state-led and community-led reconciliation processes in the Zimbabwean context?” Sixty one people were interviewed through interviews and focus group discussions. In the case studies, the study establishes the nature and impact of violations which were committed, the healing and reconciliation needs of the communities, the perspectives of the communities in terms of the actors who should be involved in reconciliation processes, and the impact of state-led reconciliation processes. The study also uses the case study of the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace to examine the role of civil society in reconciliation processes in Zimbabwe. This has enabled it to interrogate reconciliation processes by civil society, not from the perspectives of civil society itself, but of the people who were affected by its interventions. One of the findings is that in the absence of meaningful state-led reconciliation processes, it was civil society which played a major role in promoting reconciliation. However, it was found in the study that civil society was unable to address many of the reconciliation needs of affected societies because in the absence of top-down reconciliation processes, civil society has a very limited capacity to promote reconciliation. It is against this background that the study found that top-down reconciliation processes are indispensable because they may create an environment which enables reconciliation processes to take place at different levels of society and that reconciliation can be achieved through the interaction, engagement and collaboration between different actors such as the state, civil society, affected communities, and the international community. Although bottom-up processes can promote healing and reconciliation at individual levels, they are difficult to conduct in the absence of top-down processes. In a context where the two approaches are implemented simultaneously, they can either complement or conflict with each other.Item An exploration of the holistic development and wellbeing of children at Clouds of Hope home KwaSani Municipality, KwaZulu-Natal.(2018) Andam, Nche Hostencia.; Dlamini, Siyabonga Innocent.; Tschudin, Alain Jean-Paul Charles.Children wellbeing is strongly linked to their holistic development and both dependent to the parental support and environmental as well as socioeconomic situation of the country. South Africa is one of the third world countries where the number of orphaned children is growing following HIV/AIDS and the socioeconomic situation of the country is deteriorating. This study explored factors that promote the holistic development of children in Clouds of Hope Home (CHH) taking into consideration the quality of their diets, cognitive growth, psychosocial wellness and the children’s participatory contribution in their wellbeing. It used a case study of the CHH on the basis that the centre hosts children who formed part of the study. A qualitative methodology was adopted in this study and data were collected through 33 in-depth interviews and one focus group discussion. Data for the study was collected at the CHH in KwaSane municipality. Data was analyzed qualitatively using thematic analysis. Findings in this research study suggested that children at the CHH are predominantly orphans and vulnerable. They face the day to day challenges of dealing with their situation both at school and at the centre. Their responses suggest that they are bullied at school and others face stigma and discrimination due to their HIV status that they live with. As reported during the focus group discussions, the children at CHH, indicated the need to be taken care of by a biological parent instead of a caregiver at the CHH, which unfortunately was impossible as many of the children are dominantly orphans. We conclude that rural South Africa continues to struggle with situations of orphans and vulnerable children. While their number is on increase, this research finding suggested that not much is being done for them to face their future if they failed to complete their studies. Moreover, the children in CHH had limited choices as to where to further their studies as they depended most on what the centre management could only afford.Item The implementation of the refugee act 130 of 1998 in South Africa and the question of the social exclusion of forced migrants : a case study of DRC forced migrants in Pietermaritzburg.(2018) Masuku, Sikanyiso.; Rama, Sharmla.The 1951 Geneva Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees refers to the concept ‘forced migrants’ as victims of coerced movement. In South Africa, the Refugee Act 130 of 1998 entitles all forced migrants the right to access education, employment and other social and economic services. However, forced migrants in the country remain socially excluded and continuously fall outside networks of controlled association. This study examines the underlying barriers in the enactment of the Refugee Act 130 of 1998. The central focus is the interplay between social exclusion and forced migrants failure to access their legal rights. The study offers an exploratory examination of social exclusion (a predominantly Eurocentric concept), within the context of the developing world while paying particular attention to the effects of social exclusion against forced migrants. A case study approach was adopted in the research along with an interpretive research paradigm. A non-probability sampling technique (expert sampling and homogeneous sampling) was then used to select the study participants; Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) forced migrants and civil society members. Participants were grouped to participate in the focus-group discussion (One FGD – eight participants), two participated in the life history and three in the in-depth interviews. The data was then analysed using thematic content analysis. Murphy’s theory of Social Closure (monopolization and exclusion) underpinned the analysis of the study. The multidimensionality of social exclusion, namely; the primary cultural as well as structural agentive processes of exclusion were examined in the study. The findings from the study show that a range of multidimensional factors influence the degree of social closure, prejudice, opportunity hoarding and institutional biases confronting forced migrants. As a result, Congolese forced migrants have been inhibited from accessing a host of legal entitlements in the country. Poor collaboration between the state and civil society, inadequate refugee rights education initiatives as well as bureaucratic challenges within the South African refugee appeal system were identified in the study as contributing to these challenges. The findings suggested how a capability based approach may facilitate forced migrants social inclusion, cohesion and their access to a spectrum of commodity bundles, civil rights and other necessaries enshrined by law. This study therefore makes a significant contribution to the body of knowledge by establishing the link between social exclusion and the deprivations confronting forced migrant populations.Item State stability and the crisis of refugees in Kenya: repatriation and resettlement of the Somali refugees in Dadaab Camp.(2019) Kirui, Peter Kipng'eno.; Francis, Suzanne.The repatriation of refugees is a complex phenomenon that requires extensive consultation especially among refugees and potential returnees. Even though several repatriations have failed as returnees flee again, the refugee actors have not significantly changed their approach to refugee repatriations so as to curb and reduce such failed repatriations. In this dissertation, I examine the Tripartite Agreement signed between the governments of Kenya, Somalia and the UNHCR on 10th November 2013.This agreement is to guide the repatriation of approximately half a million Somali refugees from the Dadaab refugee camp in Northeastern Kenya. I argue that organized repatriations overlook refugee voices as experts and elites influence politics and policy surrounding repatriations. With refugees at the periphery of this decision-making, refugee actors make decisions about them that lack their input and, subsequently, the legitimacy of the decisions made on behalf of refugees. While tripartite parties agree, theoretically, on the need to promote voluntary repatriation of Somali refugees from Dadaab, in practice, they differ on how this should be carried out without rendering repatriation involuntary. I maintain that the refugee regime, the 1951UN Convention, needs to be changed as it is outdated, narrow in scope and does not address the new realities of the refugee problem. For instance, it does not recognize socio-economic causes of refugees. The study finds that the majority of Somali refugees in Dadaab neither know of the existence of a TA supporting their voluntary return, nor its contents. In this regard, I argue that refugees should be actively involved in decision making regarding repatriation and must not be relegated to the periphery. To address the refugee problem in Africa, I argue that focus should shift from the plight of refugees to addressing the reasons for the flight. As argued in this dissertation, only about 25% of Somali refugees in Dadaab have accepted repatriation since 2014 with many citing insecurity, lack of livelihood opportunities and social services as some of the reasons they have not repatriated. Cases of involuntary returns like that of Afghan, Rwandese and Rohingya refugees are cited as warning against unsustainable induced returns. As a deterrent measure, I contend that efforts by the international community should be focused on mitigating potentially explosive conflicts without necessarily interfering with sovereignty of concerned states. I argue that sustained peace and security that guarantee involuntary return is only possible by solving the reasons for the flight. The primary sources of the study included interviews, focus group discussions and personal observation. It was then categorized into various themes to address the set objectives.