History
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Item Item Item The problem of an African mission in a white dominated, multi-racial society : the American Zulu mission in South Africa, 1885-1910.(1971) Switzer, Lester Ernest.; Webb, Colin de Berri.No abstract available.Item The political career of Sir Percy Fitzpatrick, 1895-1906.(1973) Duminy, Andrew Hadley.; Horton, Weldon J.No abstract available.Item The Customs Tariff and the development of secondary industry in South Africa with special reference to the period 1924-1939.(1974) Lumby, Anthony Bernard.; Duminy, Andrew Hadley.; Allan, I. K.No abstract availableItem Sir William H. Beaumont and the Natives Land Commission, 1913-1916.(1976) Flemmer, Marleen.No abstract availableItem The South African Party, 1932-34 : the movement towards fusion.(1977) Turrell, Atholl Denis.; Duminy, Andrew Hadley.No abstract available.Item The opposition to General J.B.M. Hertzog's segregation bills, 1925- 1936 : a study in extra-parliamentary protest.(1978) Haines, Richard John.; Horton, Weldon J.No abstract available.Item An analytical survey of the political career of Leander Starr Jameson, 1900-1912.(1979) Siepman, Milton Ralph.No abstract available.Item The development of African agriculture in Southern Rhodesia with particular reference to the interwar years.(1979) Punt, Eira.; Lumby, Anthony Bernard.No abstract available.Item The Federal Party, 1953-1962 : an English-speaking reaction to Afrikaner nationalism.(1979) Reid, Brian Lawrence.; Duminy, Andrew Hadley.No abstract available.Item The administration of Sir Arthur E. Havelock as Governor of Natal, 1886 - 1889.(1979) Moodley, Manikam.; Heydenrych, Dirk Hendrik.No abstract available.Item The transfrontiersman : the career of John Dunn in Natal and Zululand 1834-1895.(1980) Ballard, Charles Cameron.; Maylam, Paul.No abstract available.Item Frederick Robert Moor and native affairs in the colony of Natal, 1893 to 1903.(1980) Dhupelia, Uma.; Braine, Julia Dawn.This dissertation is concerned with the public life of Frederick Robert Moor during the period 1893 to 1903. Moor served as Secretary for Native Affairs during the first ten years of responsible government in Natal in the ministries of Sir John Robinson (1893 - 1897), Harry Escombe (1897) and Alfred Hime (1899 - 1903). His policy towards the Africans and his handling of specific issues that faced the Native Affairs Department are examined. This study shows that the political nature of his office and his responsibility to the White electorate influenced his determination of policy and its implementation. Control was the key-note of Moor's policy and continuing in the tradition of the Native Affairs Department he believed that the tribal system and customary law were the best means of effecting this control. He therefore opposed anything that threatened this system such as the system of exemption from customary law which freed Africans from tribal control. This desire to protect the traditional system of government as well as his paternalism explains Moor's reluctance to allow Africans to appeal against the decisions of the lower courts to the higher courts or to permit the employment of lawyers by the Africans in the courts that administered customary law. Moor was opposed to granting the franchise to Africans even though he realised that he, as Secretary for Native Affairs, could not adequately represent their interests. He was also against alienating land in freehold to the Africans. Moor's policy made it impossible for him to find a place in his system for those Africans who wanted to shake off traditionalism and he found it difficult to handle the specific problems faced by them. Moor's location policy was motivated primarily by the desire to control the Africans and this was made more urgent with the spread of the Ethiopian movement. Yet he wished also to improve the Africans ability to support themselves and for this reason he initiated irrigation projects. Moor wanted to bring the mission reserves under the control of the government in the same way as the locations and in achieving this he caused tension between the government and the missionaries. No study of the relations between African and White in colonial Natal can exclude the labour issue. Moor had an individual approach to the labour question but was constantly torn between the demands of the colonists for cheap and abundant labour and his obligations to the Africans. He is revealed as being sympathetic to the position of the Africans. His unwillingness to prevent African labour in Natal from going to the Transvaal and his appOintment of J.S. Marwick to see to the interests of these Africans in the Transvaal were controversial. By 1903 Moor had acquired considerable experience as Secretary for Native Affairs and had formulated his policy. Despite his good intentions his policy succeeded in sowing the seeds of dissatisfaction amongst the Africans. The Africans appreciated his honesty but were critical of his failure to deal with specific issues such as the improvement of their educational facilities. Moor did not have to deal with an uprising in this period but three years after he left office the storm broke over Natal and Moor's responsibility for this is briefly discussed. Moor returned to the government in 1906 as Prime Minister and Minister for Native Affairs but this is outside the scope of this dissertation.Item Class, race and gender : the political economy of women in colonial Natal.(1982) Beall, Josephine Dianne.; Lumby, Anthony Bernard.Colonial Natal has become an increasingly popular field of investigation for historians of Southern Africa over the last decade or so. This trend is not premature or " irrelevant for, although not demonstrating" the economic impact of the diamond-mining industry of the Cape, or the gold-mining industry of the Transvaal, the political " economy of nineteenth century Natal played a significant role in forming patterns of South African social and economic development, as well as attitudes towards this, not least of all in terms of labour exploitation. The history of Natal during this period has been lacking by and large in what I consider to be two important aspects. Firstly, the colony, on the whole, has been neglected by Marxist and radical historians; and secondly, the history of women in South Africa, as yet a nascent area of research in itself, has not included an attempt to date, understand the lives of those women who lived along the south-east coastal belt of Southern Africa, between the Drakensberg and the Indian Ocean. This study strives to be a preliminary step in the direction of redressing this imbalance, by offering an introductory exposition on the political economy of women in colonial Natal.Item The idea of a hermeneutic of history.(1982) Posel, Rosalind.; Horton, Weldon J.; Stofberg, J. A.Constantly confronted by history, man has what may be termed a natural impulse to make sense of the past. And indeed, the past cannot be understood without also understanding the present. Thus that fundamental historical impulse is profoundly philosophical in the Socratic sense. It is because hermeneutics explicitly identifies itself with the Socratic tradition, that my attempt to elucidate the nature of written history as an academic discipline has been located within a hermeneutic point of view. In the course of this thesis I refer to several major debates in social theory. However, I make no pretense at covering these debates fully. They are cited insofar as they bear on issues arising in the development of the idea of a hermeneutic of history.Item Economic rationality or religious idealism : the medieval doctrines of the just price and the prohibition of usury.(1982) Anderson, J. J.; Lumby, Anthony Bernard.No abstract available.Item The 1949 Durban riots : a community in conflict.(1983) Kirk, S. L.; Warhurst, Philip R.No abstract available.Item The question of 'Indian penetration' in the Durban area and Indian politics, 1940-1946.(1983) Bagwandeen, Dowlat Ramdas.; Warhurst, Philip R.No abstract available.Item The interaction between the missionaries of the Cape eastern frontier and the colonial authorities in the era of Sir George Grey, 1854-1861.(1984) Weldon, Constance Gail.; Benyon, John Allen.In the work of radical historians and in Xhosa tradition the Cattle Killing has become the supreme example of the deliberately destructive impact of a colonial governor, helped by missionaries, on the Black peoples of the eastern frontier of the Cape. This figure of controversy, Sir George Grey, was Governor of the Cape and High Commissioner from 1854-1861. As a civilian, he sought to pacify the Xhosa through 'civilization1 and education. To do this he enlisted the help of the frontier missionaries, who themselves desired a stable Xhosa society to aid their work. The result, it has been alleged, was the final demise of effective Xhosa resistance to the encroachment of imperial forces and white settler society. By the early 1850s the work of the missionaries on the frontier was at an all-time low. And so they certainly did hope that Grey's plans, of which the extension of education was part, would provide a long-sought breakthrough for them. But this, in turn, has led to the accusation that the missionaries acted merely as mercenary imperial agents and as a 'collaborating group' for the extension of colonial authority over the Xhosa, rather than for the benefit of their would- be converts. Because of the nature of the allegations, it seemed a significant historical exercise to investigate more closely the nature and extent of the links which the missionaries did in fact forge with Sir George Grey. It must be admitted that Grey's frontier plans, together with the steady erosion of traditional society over the years, economic distress in the mid-1850s, and the Cattle Killing dealt a deathblow to effective Xhosa resistance to colonial encroachment. Radical historians have blamed Grey and the missionaries of deliberately engineering the Cattle Killing for their own Machiavellian purposes. There is not enough evidence to convict Grey on this charge, but certainly his actions, or lack of them, during the crisis suggest that once the Cattle Killing had started he deliberately allowed it to develop to the point where the Xhosa could be more easily subordinated. It can not, with any justification, be said that the missionaries had a part either in instigating or maintaining the crisis, though they were not slow to hope for some advantage from it in the shape of a more receptive Xhosa nation driven by adversity to 'humble themselves before God1 and accept conversion. The Xhosa were deeply divided over Nongqawuse's prophecy - which was a fact that tended to work very much to Grey's advantage. He also used the crisis to break the chiefs who survived the disaster and to evict Sarhili from his ancestral land in Kaffraria Proper. On what seems to have been fabricated evidence, Grey accused Sarhili, together with Moshoe- shoe, of plotting the Cattle Killing to force the Xhosa into war with the Colony. Far from this being the case, the Cattle Killing should rather be regarded both as a millenarian movement and as a feature of a so-called 'closing' frontier. Grey had hoped to use the crisis to extend his 'civilizing' plans to Kaffraria Proper; but though his expulsion of Sarhili to beyond the Mbashe River prepared the way, he did not receive official sanction to go ahead with his plans. This, together with other setbacks to his plans, may well have led Grey to accept a transfer to New Zealand in 1861, sooner than had been expected. It has been suggested that the Cattle Killing resulted in an unprecedented advance by the missionaries, but detailed investigation of their records has shown this to be untrue. The influence attributed to the missionaries has, thus, been somewhat overrated and their links with Grey, who was essentially a man of independent and arbitrary action, exaggerated. Although their converts were few, missionaries did, however, foster far-reaching changes in traditional society. One of the most notable was the growth of peasant communities around the stations, which supplied a viable alternative to wage labour in the pre-capitalist colonial society. They also contributed to the stratification of Xhosa society and to the creation of an educated elite which would become leaders in a new industrial situation of contracting options. Grey was Governor at a time when the frontier was in the process of closing. A study of his era is, thus, relevant not only in terms of the relationship between the missionaries and the personality embodying the authority of the colonial state - and their consequent combined impact on Xhosa history but also in terms of more general frontier studies.