Doctoral Degrees (Political Science)

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The African Union and the United Nations cooperation on peacekeeping in Africa.
(2020) Fafore, Olumide Adetokunbo.; Mtshali, Khondlo Phillip Thabo.
The African Union (AU) in response to the many violent conflicts that had erupted on the continent endorsed the agreement with regards to the formation of a Peace and Security Council (PSC) in Durban in July 2002 and this became operational as the African Union Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) in December 2003. The AU has sought to develop capacities for peacemaking, peacekeeping and peace building to deal with endemic conflict on the continent, but all of these is limited in their reach and effect. The AU has noted the challenges to its peacekeeping efforts, therefore cooperation with the United Nations has been one way to address these challenges. The African Union and the United Nations are presently collaborating in peace keeping missions in Somalia (AMISOM), Darfur (UNAMID) and the Central African Republic (MINUSCA). This thesis focused on AU peacekeeping capacity and specifically on how the cooperation between the AU and UN, has worked in practice and contributes to the discussion on peacekeeping operations as an effective mechanism of resolving conflicts in Africa. This thesis accessed new areas such as the strategic nature of the African state, international interest and involvement in the AU-UN peacekeeping operations in Darfur, Somalia and CAR, legitimacy issues, such as the local ownership of the peace operations, impact of Armed no state actors on peacekeeping operations in Africa, using Somalia, Sudan (Darfur) and the Central African Republic where the AU and UN are involved in cooperative peacekeeping operations to assess that. This thesis adopted a case study and qualitative paradigm which involved a structured gathering , presentation, analysis of data on the effectiveness of the African Union and the United Nations peacekeeping operations in Somalia, Sudan (Darfur) and the Central African Republic and adopted the collective security theory as its theoretical framework. This thesis finds out that seven factors such as funding, mandates that are clear and achievable, the doctrines of the United Nations peacekeeping, external actors, regional dimension of the conflict, issues of legitimacy, acceptance, local ownership, the roles of Africa’s regional economic communities and coordination between them and the African Union, the activities of armed non-state actors impacted significantly on the effectiveness of the peacekeeping operations of the African Union and the United Nations in Africa. This thesis recommends increased collaboration and coordination amongst the African Union, the United Nations and Africa’s regional economic institutions.
Amnesty as a mechanism for conflict resolution : a study of the Niger Delta conflict in Nigeria.
(2015) Moshood, Abdul-Wasi Babatunde.; Francis, Suzanne.
This study, through extensive field work interrogates the amnesty programme in the Niger Delta, and demonstrates how amnesty has impacted on peace. The Niger Delta region has suffered neglect from successive governments. The unbridled exploration for oil by multinationals, and neglect by the government has led to the conflict becoming intractable. In previous years, efforts at resolving the conflict in the Niger Delta included both the use of force and pacification, an approach that was a mixture of both force and dialogue. Little success seems to have been recorded using these initial mechanisms. The introduction of amnesty, however, seems to provide a palpable solution to the intransigent conflict, but has received criticism. Scholars have diverse views on the introduction and implementation of the amnesty programme in the Niger Delta conflict. Some of them opine that the programme should not be considered as a “silver-bullet”, but rather a temporary palliative to ensure peace in the region. Others argue that amnesty is just a process employed to buy peace, to ensure unhindered access to crude oil production in the region, and not a process informed by the need to achieve sustainable peace in the region. The need to engender sustainable peace in the Niger Delta is central to any future socio-economic development. This need is key to the introduction of the amnesty programme. Since the introduction of amnesty, the region has enjoyed stability, there has been an increase in the production of oil, and many Niger Delta people (including ex-militants) have been provided with the opportunity of capacity building and training in a peaceful coexistence. The study claims that amnesty as a home-grown conflict transformation mechanism could be used to achieve a sustainable peace in the oil rich region.
An analysis of the role played by electoral stakeholders in the electoral process: a case study of Botswana and Zambia.
(2022) Sesa, Leonard Lenna.; Mngomezulu, Bhekithemba Richard.
Elections constitute one of the yardsticks used to determine the extent to which a country’s democracy has been consolidated. The involvement of electoral stakeholders is vital because it nurtures collaboration about the credibility of the elections. These stakeholders include civil society organizations, electoral experts, academia, religious organizations, youth, minorities and women, domestic and international observers. They fundamentally assist the electoral and participatory democracy to take root. An analysis of the role of electoral stakeholders in the elections in Zambia and Botswana is reported in this study. The overarching aim of the study was to evaluate the quality of elections in the two selected cases over the years; to ascertain the challenges faced by each of the two countries during the elections; and to determine the possible implications for the future of democracy in these countries. Underpinned by an indebt two tier theoretical approach, this study used a case study method adopted by Atkinson together with the democratic theory commonly applied in election studies. Furthermore, a mixed method research design was used to understand the perceptions of electoral stakeholders on their involvement in the Botswana and Zambia electoral processes. The findings of this study show that despite the minimal achievements that have been recorded on the management of the electoral processes, Botswana and Zambia have improved over the years. As a result, they have been labelled as shining democracies in the SADC region. The findings of this study also showed that the stakeholders’ perceptions on their involvement in Botswana and Zambia’s democracies are driven by both internal and external factors pertaining to their electoral management bodies that have the potential to affect the electoral processes as well as the level of trust in them and other institutions involved in the electoral processes. The study recommends that the legal basis of the Electoral Code of Conduct could be strengthened to widen the electoral commission powers to ensure compliance by all stakeholders.
Assessing conflict resolution and peace building strategies in democratic systems: a study of Yobe State, Nigeria 2009-2017.
(2020) Abideen, Abeeb Muhammed.; Joseph, Rudigi Rukema.
Since 2009, there has been an increasing spate of violent conflicts in the North-Eastern part of Nigeria. The crises have defied several efforts aimed at resolving them and now require urgent attention from all stakeholders to find a lasting solution. The Boko Haram insurgency and other terrorists’ activities, especially the Fulani Herdsmen/farmers’ conflict has resulted in a humanitarian crisis in which over 20,000 people have been killed and about 2.6 million displaced with property worth millions of Naira destroyed. The crises which are now extending to other parts of Nigeria and the sub-region of West Africa needs to be handled with all seriousness before the situation gets out of hand. Several strategies have been employed in resolving the crises, such as the use of the military, legal adjudication, setting up of dialogue committee, legislative approach and proposed granting of amnesty to the insurgents and terrorist groups. However, all these measures have not been able to resolve the crises. This research work assessed the different strategies that have been employed to stem the crises in the North-East with a view to identifying the loop-holes and bottlenecks that have deterred or hindered the resolution of the conflicts. Survey method was employed in the collection of data through the instrumentality of questionnaire. “Interviews were conducted in order to get first-hand information about the root causes of the conflicts from the people at the grassroots who are most affected by the crises. It is hoped that a thorough understanding of the causes, as well as, obstacles hindering the resolution of the conflicts will provide a headway toward finding alternative strategies such as the South Africa Truth Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and other Afro-centric strategies that could be combined with renewed democratic strategies towards finding lasting solutions to the lingering problems that have been on for over a decade and threatening the corporate existence of the country. Findings revealed the urgent need to reappraise the current counter insurgency strategies and money laundering Acts which are the major strategies employed in resolving the ongoing conflicts, “Whilst employing alternative strategies (hybridization) with more focus on political economy approach which centres on addressing the root cause of conflicts such as poverty, unemployment, inequality and with emphases on preventive methods to conflict resolution and peace building.
The burden of the future: an exploration of the aftermath of violent conflict in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (1996-2007)
(2019) Dunia, Heri Mugisha.; Francis, Suzanne.; Francis, Michael Douglas.
This study explores the aftermath of protracted social conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) through a historical lense in the Kabare district, precisely in Mulungu, Lwiro and Katana where research centres are located. A qualitative research paradigm was used to determine the nature and extent of protracted violence on the economy and the society. The sampling area involved the three research centres along with their direct vicinities. One hundred in-depth interviews with three focus groups followed by participant observation were used in this study in order to generate rich data. Purposive sampling technique was used to identify relevant respondents to which a snowball sampling method was added to help reach more interviewees. The findings of this study reveal that the numerous crisis that the country has gone through from the Leopoldian era right to the present are explained by the pursuit of the 1885 Berlin Protocol. Here international powers agreed on using the Congo as a carrefour for international commerce to enlarge their markets as well as to advance their commercial agenda while simultaneously using it as a digging ground of raw material required to boost industries in the West at the cost of the blood, sweat and misery of the Congolese people. The state failures from the Congo Free State to the Democratic Republic of Congo, coupled with the protracted social conflict that seats the culture of violence within the structures, institutions as well as the Congolese social fabric; are the result of the application of the 1885 Berlin Protocol that set the Congo to be an ever-open market for world leaders rather than a modern nation-state. The study concludes in demonstrating that unless the 1885 Berlin Protocol is reviewed and changed completely to allow the Congo to organize itself as a modern nation-state that will deal at equal terms of trade with Western countries, peace will remain illusory in the DRC and the innocent Congolese will continue to die in the process.
Caveat emptor. Ideological paradigms in decolonising and postcolonial Africa.
(2006) Jones, Alison Rae.; Lawrence, Ralph Bruce.
The study is premised on a notion of 'African crisis'. Since the notion of crisis is multi-dimensional, hence susceptible to variable interpretations and emphases, the study posits and argues two interconnected hypotheses, thus operating within a finite investigative and interpretive framework It is hypothesised that a crisis of the state in Africa to a significant extent is a crisis in the spheres of political legitimacy and social cohesion. As both spheres fall within the operational ambit of ideology, the study examines the concept in some depth. In order to investigate the problematic of ideology in decolonising and postcolonial Africa, a distinction is made between ideology per se and phenomena and practices deemed ideological. During a process of exploring and analysing this distinction, cognisance is taken of the interface between ideology and social science paradigms. From this interface emerges the notion of an 'ideological paradigm'. Accordingly, it is hypothesised that two dominant paradigms in Cold War era Africa, namely, modernisation theory and scientific Marxism, are implicated in the crisis of the state. Included in this proposition is an argument that the application of exogenous developmental schematics in effect reproduced a colonial ethos inhospitable to endogenous innovation and initiative, not least in respect to the formulation and application of ideologies adequately congruent with - hence intelligible to - the lived worlds of Africans. Moreover, to the extent that the post Cold War era is characterised by the dominance of a neoliberal paradigm, this contention is of continuing relevance. The better to distinguish between an ideological paradigm and an ideology, the study investigates two significant departures from paradigmatic convention in decolonising Guinea-Bissau and postcolonial Tanzania. Both Amilcar Cabral and Julius Nyerere articulated and applied ideologies on the whole grounded more in local contexts than in exogenous paradigms. While Cabral's thesis is discussed at some length during the course of a literature review, Ujamaa in Tanzania comprises the dissertation's main case study. Tanzania is conceptualised as embarking on a post-independence quest for an inclusive epistemology on which to base an ideology at once locus-specific and informed by general tenets of human-centred socialism. From this quest emerged a national ethic that - in a post Cold War era - continues to influence state-societal relations in Tanzania, and thus has proven to be of lasting value.
Cities and citizenship : towards a normative analysis of the urban order in South Africa, with special reference to East London, 1950- 1986.
(1991) Atkinson, Doreen.; Frost, Mervyn L.; Bekker, Simon.
Abstract not available.
Civil society and opposition politics in Nigeria (1985-1999).
(2002) Akintola, Olubukola Stella.; Uzodike, Nwabufo Okeke.
This study investigates the role of civil society in the Nigerian polity between 1985 and 1999. The institutions that constitute civil society, particularly human rights organizations, professional groups, non-governmental organizations have played crucial roles in checking the excesses of Nigerian governments. They have also -served not only as instruments for protecting human rights and guarding against the aouse-of the rule of law in the absence of a constitution but also in the advocacy of democracy in Nigeria. e study examines generally and in theoretical terms not only the relationship between 'state and civil society but also how far, and in what ways the state can affect or engage, purposefully, civil society in general. Drawing on de Tocquiville, Diamond, Gramsci, Hegel, Hobbes, Mamdani, Marx, and Mill, the study attempts to cut through the definitional quagmire by defining civil society as an arena made up of voluntary associations with differing interests and objectives and anchored within the space between state and society, which work towards those diverse societal interests with the aim either of promoting change or maintaining the status quo. The struggle against military dictatorshijJ in Nigeria gave rise to a large and complex civil society. The study examines the activities and / internal problems of these organizations. Specifically, it focuses on the role and effectiveness of civil society groups as instruments of democratic change in Nigeria. In this regard, it examines extensively their oppositional stance against military dictatorship and assesses their effectiveness in promoting transparency, accountability, and good governance in Nigeria. In essence, then, the study seeks to provide insight not only about the workings ofNigerian civil society organizations but also their potential as a vehicle for emplacing transparent and effective governance. To drive the point home, the study examines three major civil society organizations (representing different categories of civil society) that played crucial roles in the struggle for good governance and the protection of fundamental human rights in Nigeria. These are the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), and the Campaign for Democracy (CD). Looking ystematically at eacn of the three cases, it investigates the dangerous and, often, brutal struggle by members of the civil society as they sought to compel successive military regimes to adhere to pnnciples of good governance, respect for basic human rights, transformative development, arid-democracy. A testimony of their relative success in pursuit of their appositional agenda was reflected not only in the political transition activities of each military government but also in their ability to isolate recalcitrant regimes and externalize the struggle by sensitizing the internationalcommunity as happened under General Sani Abacha. Nevertheless, the ability and capacity of civil society to sustain its role as a balancing force between the Nigerian state and people remains in doubt due both to continuing uneasiness in its relationship with the state and to organizational and operational problems associated with internal factionalization, proneness to infiltration and sabotage, victimization by obnoxious laws and decrees, inadequacy of funding, weak operating capacity, fragile organizational struchlres, and poor alliance and networking arrangements. The Study argues that in order to provide a constructive challenge to the authority and power of the state and to achieve their transformative agenda for social, economic, and political development of Nigeria, civil society groups would need to wrestle effectively with some of these problems.
Civil society organizations and democratic consolidation in Nigeria's fourth republic: an appraisal of Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC)
(2019) Ayegbusi, Talabi Rasheed.; Joseph, Rudigi Rukema.
The transition from military autocracy to democracy in Nigeria came after a tortuous, brave and determined struggle. Civil society organizations engaged in agitations and protests that led to the eventual withdrawal of the military from governance in Nigeria. However, after more than a decade and a half year of democratic experience, the rising hope among Nigerians is gradually fading away, giving way to apprehension and despondency. Whereas civil society is ubiquitous in academic and political discourse, labour unions are far less popular as subjects of analysis. It is in this context that this thesis examined critically the role of civil society organisation (with a special focus on Nigeria Labour Congress) in the democratic consolidation process in Nigeria’s fourth Republic. The study adopted the qualitative approach and group theory as the theoretical framework. The data for this research work was collected from both primary and secondary sources. The primary data were collected through interviews with relevant stakeholders on labour and democratic issues. A total of twenty-eight (28) respondents were interviewed using interview schedule. The secondary data for the study were derived from books, journal articles, magazines and newspaper articles, reliable and verifiable internet materials. While primary data obtained were analysed using the combination of both the manual qualitative method and the Computer-Aided Qualitative Data Analysis Software (CAQDAS), the existing data used were subjected to substantive and extensive analysis through the instrumentality of content validity, content analysis and textual criticism. The study noted that Nigeria Labour Congress (as a member of civil society organizations) played significant roles in the transition from military autocracy to electoral democracy. The study also noted that while the aftermath of the transition had attracted some concerted efforts from organized labour geared towards democratic consolidation, the momentum of the struggle, as well as the vibrancy of labour unions in Nigeria, is not satisfactory. The findings of this study are largely base on fieldwork which is a significant departure from desk analysis that has defined most works on the phenomenon. In order to enhance the effectiveness of organized labour in Nigeria, the study recommended that: first, the issue of centralized trade unionism should be constitutionally restored; second, the government should restrain itself from interfering in matters that are strictly internal to the unions and lastly, the leaders should not be partisan in politicking.
Climate change in Lagos State, Nigeria: a polycentric governance approach.
(2021) Akinola, Adekunle.; Magam, Nolubabalo Lulu.
Human-induced activities that cause climate change occur at multiple scales, yet, most climate governance mechanisms are designed at a single level, such as international, national or regional, which do not provide an effective solution. The international climate change governance regime under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) has failed to significantly impact the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions and its goal of limiting global mean temperature below 2 degree Celsius. This has led to the emergence of several multilateral, bilateral, subnational, transnational and non-state actors operating outside the UNFCCC. Elinor Ostrom refers to this development as a polycentric approach to climate governance. The literature on polycentric climate governance is growing. Scholars, however, have given significant attention to cities in the global North. This study offered an analysis of the efficacy and effectiveness of polycentrism to climate change governance in Lagos State, Nigeria. The study contributed to the growing body of literature on polycentrism by providing analytical insight into (i) What extent the national and international policies have addressed climate change in Lagos State; (ii) What role has been/can be played by subnational governments in climate change governance; (iii) How polycentrism can be employed to address climate governance in Lagos State; and (iv) How effective polycentric initiatives are in addressing climate change in Lagos State. The study was a single-case endeavour that utilised a concurrent mixed methodology for data collection. The quantitative data are elicited through an open-ended questionnaire while the qualitative data used in-depth interviews and purposive sampling technique to gather empirical data from government officials and community members. The study revealed that a single governance unit could not effectively provide adequate solutions to climate mitigation and adaptation issues in Lagos State. The study further showed that climate change is a polycentric issue that should be dealt with by multiple actors operating at different levels of governance. The study concluded that polycentrism provides an opportunity for experimentation and learning among governance units, and the involvement of different actors in climate change governance has resulted in multiple benefits at diverse levels.
Climate change, migration and resource contestations : a case study of north-south migration in Nigeria.
(2016) Akinyemi, Temitope Edward.; Narsiah, Inbersagran.
As the global community grapples with the reality of climate change, the imperatives of mitigation and adaptation interventions have gained attention across policy circles. While stakeholders draw up policies for combating its effects, academic research on social and political implications of climate change remains controversial and inconclusive. Climate change-conflict linkages in particular, continue to divide pedagogy-driven theoreticians and policy-driven analysts, thereby hampering research-policy transition needed for effective interventions. Despite lingering controversies however, studies on environment-security linkages in poor nations suggest climate-induced constriction as an important factor particularly in renewable natural resource-related conflicts. In Nigeria, increasing incidence of farmer-herder conflict in host communities has been linked to climate change-induced ecological declines especially in the country’s arid northern region experiencing Sahelian drought and desertification that is identified as a major factor in environmental scarcity and migratory adaptation. The resulting competition for scarcer natural resources, studies suggest, often conflates with socio-contextual factors in compounding human security challenges especially in migrant host communities. Current debate on the climate-conflict discourse consists of three contentious perspectives: rebuttal, association, and affirmation. Meta-theoretical critiques spurred by these contentions suggest contextualized analyses as panacea for evolving policy-relevant discourse. Adopting the contextualization paradigm, this study examined environmental and socio-contextual factors in farmer-herder conflict transformation in Nigeria. It relied on Nvivo-assisted qualitative analysis of 117 in-depth interviews; combined with 10 Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) conducted across host communities in Oyo, Ekiti, Kwara and Nasarawa states. The study found that climate change has aggravated livelihood constrictions and migratory adaptation thereby heightening agro-cultural, economic and social contestations which accounts for increasing incidence of resource competition and violent conflicts in Nigeria. It therefore recommends contextually-grounded impact assessment among other reform measures, towards enhancing conflict-sensitive climate change adaptation and policy interventions.
A comparative analysis of South Africa's foreign policy on the Central African Republic and Nigeria since 1994.
(2018) Phetha, Rejoice Hlengiwe.; Mngomezulu, Bhekithemba Richard.
Since ridding itself of apartheid in 1994, South Arica (SA) has been portrayed as an important regional power in Africa, as opposed to being dubbed a pariah state prior to 1994. Importantly, South Africa is increasingly being seen as a significant global player in the debates about reforming the global governance architecture to create a fairer international order. As the global balance of power changes, new and old powers are investing more in terms of cultivating new and deeper relationships. During the first two decades of democracy, South Africa positioned itself internationally through bilateral and multilateral engagements. However, the policy contents and realities of the foreign policies of South Africa, Nigeria and the Central African Republic (CAR) have not been systematically and adequately studied. The aim of the study was to carry out a comparative study on South Africa’s foreign policy towards CAR and Nigeria. The objectives of the study were to investigate the nature of South Africa’s foreign policy towards Nigeria and CAR and the factors which determined the country’s foreign policy agenda. The use of two international relations theories, i.e. realism and neo-functionalism assisted in understanding the complex foreign policy issues. The study used a mixed-methods approach where five key informant interviews were conducted and one hundred and fifty survey questionnaires were distributed to the respondents. The study found that South Africa has been visible in its foreign policy footprints by being involved in the African peace mediation efforts. The increasing importance of soft power in the global politics is recognised both in the literature and among scholars and practitioners of international relations. Although South Africa faces a number of challenges in constructing its new democratic institutions, it has emerged as one of the most important countries which has imbedded the ‘Ubuntu’ philosophy in its foreign policy posture. The idea of Africanization has become entrenched in South Africa’s identity which has over-stretched the state that is striving to meet the idealistic demands placed upon its fragile democracy. The study revealed South Africa’s policy influence on the global policy and policy innovation. Moreover, it concluded that the presence of South Africa in Nigeria has resulted in increased trade and restored peace in CAR, but also created a number of opportunities in both CAR and Nigeria. Furthermore, the study established the strategic relevance of Nigeria and Central African Republic to South Africa. This has contributed to a broader understanding of the factors that shape South Africa’s foreign policy agenda. However, further research should be conducted on the role of South Africa’s foreign policy in enhancing continental integration.
Corruption in higher education in Nigeria : prevalence, structures and patterns among students of higher education institutions in Nigeria.
(2015) Idoniboye-Obu, Sakiemi Abbey.; Uzodike, Nwabufo Okeke.; Jones, Alison Rae.
Discourses, conversations and commentaries, and scholarly articles on Nigerian economy, politics, and society tend always to involve corruption. Violent changes of government as well as democratic leadership selection invariably make references to corruption as a justification for change. Every government since the country’s independence has been assailed as either being corrupt or doing too little to fight corruption. Corruption is said to pervade every sector of the Nigerian society including education. Every stakeholder in higher education has at one time or another been accused of corruption. This study is concerned with one of the primary stakeholders in higher education – students. The study examines the prevalence, structures, and patterns of corruption among students of tertiary institutions in Nigeria. Prevalence refers to the spread and depth of corruption in the consciousness of students while patterns suggest the forms in which the phenomenon finds expression. Structures are the opportunities for corrupt behaviour. It elicited students’ ideas and concepts of corruption by means of focus group discussions and surveys based on semi-structured questionnaire. Empirical data were collected at ABU, UNN, FUTA, UNIPORT, IAUE, Rivpoly, FCEZ, and FCE (T) among others. These institutions were selected to represent the ethnic heterogeneity of the country as well as the three main types of higher education institutions in the country. Resource constraints and logistical factors meant that only two institutions were covered in the northern part of the country. However, the university selected in the north, ABU, has the entire 19 Northern States as its catchment area. The distribution of questionnaires among the various institutions also ensured that this limitation does not adversely affect the representation of the North in the sample. The field work for this research was done in two phases in 2009 and 2010. Though this is not a historical study, it was carried out at a particular historical conjuncture and therefore can be said to deal with undergraduates of Nigerian tertiary institutions in the first decade of the 21st Century. It introduces the concept of higher education student corruption to capture corruption among students. It treats higher education student corruption as a complex and composite phenomenon with various aspects or interrelated dimensions. It finds that students have ideas and conceptions of corruption. It argues that students’ ideas and conceptions of corruption are largely derived from student handbooks issued by the various institutions and from the environment. Consequently, it holds that students’ ideas and concepts of corruption are not original or distinctive but are of the genre of conceptions of corruption as abuse or misuse of office. The study elucidates the key elements of students’ ideas and conceptions of corruption and examines their explanation for why some of them participate in corrupt practices. It classifies the variables in terms of the concepts with which students explain higher education student corruption into personal characteristics, establishment characteristics of higher education institutions, and the culture of corruption and, explores how these engender corrupt practices among students. It identifies the major patterns of corruption that are prevalent among students as absenteeism, activisms, bribe/bribery, fraudulent conduct, cultism, dereliction, drug/alcohol abuse, examination malpractice, indecent dressing, sexual behaviour, theft/stealing, and unruly behaviour. The study also identifies and differentiates structures from patterns of corruption. The key structures of higher education corruption are teaching and learning, examinations, and accommodation as most of the patterns of corruption identified are imbedded in them. The study found that higher education institutions are not only ill-equipped to deal with higher education student corruption but actually drive the phenomenon. This lack of capacity is related to underfunding by owner agencies such as the government, mismanagement of resources and maladministration by the management of higher education institutions, and societal pressures on both the institutions and the students. These will likely hinder current efforts being made by national anticorruption agencies such as the ICPC to combat corruption in the education sector.
Covenanted peoples : the Ulster Unionist and Afrikaner Nationalist coalitions in growth, maturity and decay.
(1991) Johnston, Alexander.; Frost, Mervyn L.
Abstract not available.
A critical investigation into the diplomatic relations between post-apartheid South Africa and India.
(2021) Moroe, Jacob.; Kaya, Hassan Omari.; Mutula, Stephen M.
The study made a critical investigation into the diplomatic relations between post-apartheid South Africa and India, using qualitative and quantitative research methods. The major arguments were based on the following aspects: First, Post-apartheid South Africa and India have shared good bilateral relations since 1994 and constantly aim to expand and diversify their trade and economic relations. However, it would seem the two countries have not fully exploited the potential role of the private sector and civil society in their relations, despite their vibrant private sectors and civic societies. Second, although South Africa and India have, since 1994, proclaimed themselves as partners for development, very limited critical interrogation has been made on the prospects and challenges embedded in their economic diplomatic relations regarding their bilateral and multilateral engagements. Both share membership in various organizations including BRICS, IBSA, UN, amongst others. They continue to make use of their membership in these groupings to advance national interests. Third, diplomatic relations between India and South Africa after 1994 have to consider the global shifts in political and economic power relations due to multipolarity. The study revealed that the historical relations between the African National Congress (ANC) and the Indian Congress Party (ICP) influenced the cordial diplomatic relations between the two countries in the post-apartheid South Africa. Fourth: there are contentious views on the position of Mahatma Gandhi regarding the historical racial relations between Indians and Africans in South Africa, and that he was more concerned about the freedom of South African Indians, and not black South Africans. However, there is a general acknowledgement that South African Indians contributed greatly to the socio-economic and political development of South Africa. The economic bilateral relations between the two countries have flourished since the end of apartheid, with India holding the most potential. However, they are yet to make use of available opportunities such as the involvement of private sector and civil society in their relations. The study recommends that both countries should take advantage of their complementarities and comparative advantages for mutual benefits.
Decolonization, class struggles and economic empowerment in post-colonial states: an appraisal of Zimbabwe's post independence indigenization project in the mining sector.
(2019) Nkala, Sizo.; Mtshali, Khondlo Phillip Thabo.
This study is an exposition of Zimbabwe’s post-independence indigenization and economic empowerment policy, with a specific focus on how the policy unfolded in the country’s mining sector. The indigenization policy was adopted as a conscious strategy towards overcoming Zimbabwe’s historical legacy of settler colonialism. The colonial government’s systematic racial discrimination and policy of separate development meant that the post-colonial government inherited a society characterized by gross economic and social inequalities along racial lines. In this, black citizens played a marginal role in the country’s economy and were scarcely represented across the main sectors, particularly in the minerals industry. Hence the government’s insistence that the indigenous population, defined as those and the descendants of those who experienced systematic discrimination before independence in 1980, control at least 51 percent of the major economic enterprises across all sectors of the economy. As such, through the lenses of state power, class relations and Zimbabwe’s position in the world-system, this study problematized the conceptualization and the implementation of the policy as it unfolded in the country’s mining sector. It sought to identify the factors that determined the process and the outcomes of the indigenization policy in the said sector. The study used a qualitative methodological approach. Data was gathered through in-depth interviews and email correspondence with government officials, private sector players, academics, mineworkers, activists and journalists. Purposive sampling was used to identify and reach key participants. Documentary and online material including government reports, videos, social media statements from verified accounts of government officials and scholars were also key sources of data.The findings of the study demonstrate that the indigenization policy in the mining sector was, by and large, unsuccessful. The large-scale mining sector is still dominated by an oligopoly of a few powerful foreign-owned companies. Numerous attempts at indigenous takeover (dominated by politicians) of foreign-owned mining failed because of lack of capital. Out of the 61 Community Share Ownership Trusts (CSOTs) established as vehicles through which rural peasant communities could gain 10% share ownership in mining companies, only one Trust actually had shares transferred to it. Further, only one mining company transferred shares to the workers under the Employee Share Ownership Trust (ESOT) scheme. The artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) sector which comprises predominantly indigenous players has been thoroughly disempowered and disenfranchised by the state. The study cites the weak state, and Zimbabwe’s position in the world-system as a peripheral player among some of the major determinants of these outcomes. An absent indigenous bourgeoisie and the disorganized working class, ASM players and peasant communities immobilized by state repression meant that the politicians dominated the indigenization policy. Key words: Indigenization, Empowerment, Decolonization, Class, Zimbabwe
Democracy or efficiency : the impact of public participation on local government service delivery in Msunduzi Local Municipality and eThekwini Metropolitan Municipality.
(2019) Nene, Sanele Ashel.; Francis, Suzanne.
Conventional thinking in participatory democracy theory contends that public participation improves the quality and effectiveness of government. Effective public participation promotes accountability, transparency, inclusivity and responsiveness in governance. The assumption is that the benefits of public participation are to be found in the efficiency of service delivery by municipalities. This dissertation investigates the idea that the benefits of public participation are outweighed by the cost to efficiency in service delivery. Public participation has negative effects on service delivery in local government due to the time and resources required for effective public participation. It is argued that the correlation between public participation and service delivery efficiency is also mainly theoretical, and not based on convincing empirical evidence. Service delivery efficiency in local government is influenced by other factors such as the ability of the municipal management and governance structures to resist party political interference through structural design, the capacity of the municipality to plan and deliver basic services within its jurisdiction, and the economic and financial resources available to the municipality. The dissertation concludes that there is a need to thoroughly investigate the impact of intergovernmental relations on local government service delivery, given the legislative positioning of municipalities in relation to other spheres of government. The functionality and efficiency of local municipalities is dependent on the relations between the local government and the district municipality, or the local government and the provincial government. The role of district municipalities is therefore questioned, and it is suggested that further research on the subject is imperative.
Democratic consolidation and electoral violence: an analysis of Kogi State, Nigeria and KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa 1994-2017.
(2019) Yusuf, Ibrahim.; Mutereko, Sybert.
Since the introduction of electoral democracy in South Africa in 1994 after the demise of apartheid, and Nigeria in 1999 following years of military interregnum, democracy has been threatened by many factors, among which election violence is one of them. However, elections in Kogi State, Nigeria and KwaZulu-Natal Province of South Africa have been plagued by political intrigue, manipulation, violence and destruction. Although tireless efforts are being made to consolidate democracy in Nigeria and South Africa, election violence appears to be impeding this effort. This study "Democratic Consolidation and Electoral Violence: An Analysis of Kogi State, Nigeria and KwaZulu-Natal Province of South Africa 1994-2017" sought to understand the extent to which election violence undermines democratic consolidation. The study adopted a qualitative research approach using case studies. A structured interview and focus group discussion (FGD) was used to gather data from ten locations- five each from Kogi State and KwaZulu-Natal, respectively. Twenty people were interviewed for this study, among whom the participants included politicians and electorates. In addition, three focus group discussions were conducted in equal proportions: two in KwaZulu-Natal and one was carried out in Kogi State. Thematic and descriptive analyses were both used in aiding to the analysis of the data from this study. Results obtained from the study revealed that election violence undermines the consolidation of democracy in Kogi State and KwaZulu-Natal. Also identified is that election violence affects the pace and space of democratic consolidation in Nigeria and South Africa. Similarly, election violence does not only affect the credibility of elections but is also responsible for the quality of leadership and governance in Nigeria and South Africa. Adding to this constraint is the incorporation of Africa into the international capitalist world through colonialism which is why conflict and electoral violence in Africa cannot be divorced from the current relations with the international system, especially the capitalist west. The study further discovered that most of the politicians in Nigeria and South Africa lack the required qualifications, both political and educational qualifications, and the competence to rule, which best explains the irrational behaviour among the political elite. The study then recommends that election violence must be addressed; the current relations with the West would need to be reviewed and that all politicians must be properly educated headlong if Nigeria and the Republic of South Africa want to make inroads into democratic consolidation.
Democratisation and local government transformation in South Africa : a case study of Maluti district, 1995-2005.
(2010) Appiah, George Wiredu Kwadwo.; Simelane, Hamilton Sipho.; Amtaika, Alexius Lambat.
Since the dawn of political independence on the African continent, most governments have failed to properly develop systems of local government. In many cases efforts have resulted in mere tokenism, and in most cases failed experiments. South Africa is an exception. With the assumption of political leadership in 1994, the ANC government committed itself to a programme of restructuring the racially exclusive and compartmentalised local government systems at the time. The emphasis was to be on eradicating the effects of apartheid. Considering the debilitating aspects of the past political landscape, it was understood that democratisation and transformation would be a long process and not achievable overnight. The ANC government's commitment to restructuring local government was based on a trajectory of transition or developmental theories. The creation of more political space through Civil Society Organisations (CSO) was also promoted. With the introduction of the White Paper on Local Government in March 1998 it was agreed that it would serve as a blueprint for DLG (Developmental Local Government). The latter was also to focus on improving standards of living for previously disadvantaged people. The objectives were to be achieved through decentralisation and the devolution of power. There was to be a shift in approach from ' tier' to ' sphere' . The writer examines the importance of DLG and its ability to fulfil the demands and needs of local communities. The writer further examines the challenges that face DLG, namely administrative difficulties and unethical practices. Millions of rands are recklessly dissipated and siphoned off through dubious tenders. There have also been some measures of success, and these are noted. The writer comes to the conclusion that although institutional structures and mechanisms are in place to support service delivery, they are not responding effectively to community needs and demands. Local communities are still casualties in the ongoing processes of democratisation and transformation.
The effectiveness of re-integration of female ex-combatants : Rwanda as a case study.
(2013) Umurerwa, Rosemarie Aurore.; Okeke-Uzodike, Nwabufo Ikechukwu.
The disarmament, demobilization, reintegration and reinsertion of ex-combatants generally and female ex-combatants specifically constitute one of the most fundamental activities in the 1994 post-genocide and war period in Rwanda. Initiated in 1997, the Rwanda Demobilisation and Reintegration Commission (RDRC) had the task of supporting the effective social and economic reintegration of ex-combatants into civilian life so as to realise national security, reconciliation, development, and sustainable peace. The findings of this study show that there is a tendency to regard former combatants as a homogenous group, overlooking significant variations based on gender, age, disability, military ranking, education and vocational skills, which are found in even small groupings. This study found that the needs, capacities and expectations of former combatants tend to be wide ranging, depending on these specificities/characteristics. On the whole, the transition from reinsertion to reintegration is often marked by drawn-out processes, and considerable difficulty in catering to all beneficiaries and developing comprehensive programmes. The findings revealed that, as they re-join their former communities, female ex-combatants are often affected differently in terms of identity crises, stigma, stereotypes, trauma, vulnerability, and power relations within society through intra-house and social relations. Even though the RDRC has made some progress, it has become clear that more needs to be done to help female ex-combatants through the reintegration programme. From the viewpoints expressed by the respondents during focus group discussions, one can conclude that in the planning of reinsertion assistance, it is imperative that the overall socioeconomic dynamics and the challenge of poverty are factored in as key variables to minimize resentment and marginalisation of broader war-affected communities. This would ensure a better linkage between reinsertion and reintegration, contributing to the sustainability of the identity transformation of female ex-combatants.

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