Political Science

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Academic integration within the context of globalization : experiences of students from the SADC region studying at Howard College (University of KwaZulu-Natal)
(2013) Munsense, Ida Manyina.; Misgun, Biniam Tesfamariam.
Migration of people has long been conceived as voluntary relocation of an individual or groups of people in pursue of better job opportunities. In the context of globalisation, the semantic of migration has been expanded to include forced displacement of people as result of armed conflict or structural violence such as poverty and inaccessibility to basic needs. The United Nations‟ General Secretary has sanctioned the new explanatory trends in the concept of migration on the report on “human rights of migrants” (2002) under the article “Conceptual and substantive development of the question of the human rights of migrants” that does not leave out students migrating to integrate into a new academic environment to pursue higher degrees in fields of interest. Besides the effects of socio-political instability and economic unsustainability, human capital development theory justifies the influx of foreign students in South African universities in general, and the University of KwaZulu-Natal (Howard College) in particular. The process of integration is punctuated not only with opportunities but with challenges as well. This research looks in-depth into various experiences of international students integrating into Howard College. It is designed as a case study that basically use literature review and interactive interviews as sources of data, with a sample of twenty students registered with UKZN-Howard College. It investigates various aspects of integration process, examines the challenges that are involved in the process and the strategies that students develop to avert the adversities of immersion into this new academic milieu. The findings of this study abided by the interpretive paradigm appropriate to qualitative research using social network theory and human capital development as conceptual framework for the study. This research tables views from the field that are translated into recommendations that could improve the living condition of foreign students from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) on campus and prompt the adjustment of the SADC Protocol on Education and Training according to the needs that arise from SADC students‟ various experiences.
Accessibility issues and challenges facing students living with disabilities in institutions of higher education and training : the case of the University of Kwa-Zulu Natal’s Pietermaritzburg campus.
(2019) Nene, Nompilo Nonzuzo.; Mtshali, Khondlo Phillip Thabo.
Institutions of higher education formally provide platforms for individuals to develop their talents and skills. However, for this to be achieved, individuals require access to relevant resources. This is not the case for students with disabilities as they face challenges of accessibility. With the case study of the University of KwaZulu-Natal’s Pietermaritzburg campus, this research interrogates the challenges faced by students with disabilities. Assuming that the participation and representation of students with disabilities is important for these challenges to be resolved, this study explores governance arrangement that will create a conducive environment for students with disabilities. This is a qualitative research study that relies on both secondary and primary sources. Secondary sources consisted of academic journal articles, books and online material that address the themes of this study. Primary sources consisted of in-depth interviews and questionnaires, government documents, and documents from South African Universities, including the University of KwaZulu-Natal. The researcher interviewed a total of fifteen participants from the University of KwaZulu-Natal’s Pietermaritzburg campus. The study used the following theoretical and conceptual tools: The study conceptualizes people living with disabilities as a minority group. As a remedy to political marginalization, this study argues for a consociational democratic student governance. This study utilized the accessibility model to probe different factors affecting accessibility. The accessibility model is composed of four factors: physical accessibility, perceptual accessibility, financial accessibility and social accessibility. The major conclusion of this study is that the majority of participants interviewed do face challenges of accessibility at University of KwaZulu-Natal’s Pietermaritzburg campus. The challenges faced by students with disabilities are: physical, social, financial and perceptual. The major accessibility challenge is the physical environment of the institution as well as the lack of support for students with disabilities from some of the academic staff. The study also discovered that there are students with disabilities who enrol in courses as a result of their disability and not their passion. The Disability Support Unit also appeared as one of the facilities which partially hinder access to information. The lack of engagements from the Student Representative Council with students with disabilities was also seen as a reason for the continuous experience of challenges by students with disabilities. The study recommends awareness campaigns to deal with social and perceptual challenges. Furthermore, the study recommends a consociational governance structure that will ensure that issues facing students with disabilities are fairly represented in all University governance structures.
Advancing women's rights discourses in conflict regions : a case study of the northern Uganda crisis.
(2014) Rwebangira, Joanita Kokugonza.; Nadvi, Syeda Lubna Bano.
Violence in Northern Uganda perpetrated by the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) has continued for over two decades. Women and children have thus remained the most vulnerable, subjected human rights violations. In Northern Uganda the conflict is unique in terms of the damage it has triggered on women. The intensity of women rights violation mostly the sexual violence and torture related offences, is a solemn hindrance to physical and psychological health of women. This demonstrates the urgent need to address these conflict related criminal offences against women’s rights in the region of Northern Uganda. Addressing the violation of women’s human rights plus interrogating the delayed efforts to respond to these concerns by government and international organization, is the concern in this paper. The project is an empirical research exploration of effective methods to involve women in the process of recovering from conflict. This thesis reflects on human rights in the African context and how to address gross violations of human rights in Northern Uganda. It also looks at the factors that hinder the reintegration of women during the process recovering from conflict. It engages a critical discourse that advances women’s rights as human rights in Northern Uganda.
The African Union and the United Nations cooperation on peacekeeping in Africa.
(2020) Fafore, Olumide Adetokunbo.; Mtshali, Khondlo Phillip Thabo.
The African Union (AU) in response to the many violent conflicts that had erupted on the continent endorsed the agreement with regards to the formation of a Peace and Security Council (PSC) in Durban in July 2002 and this became operational as the African Union Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) in December 2003. The AU has sought to develop capacities for peacemaking, peacekeeping and peace building to deal with endemic conflict on the continent, but all of these is limited in their reach and effect. The AU has noted the challenges to its peacekeeping efforts, therefore cooperation with the United Nations has been one way to address these challenges. The African Union and the United Nations are presently collaborating in peace keeping missions in Somalia (AMISOM), Darfur (UNAMID) and the Central African Republic (MINUSCA). This thesis focused on AU peacekeeping capacity and specifically on how the cooperation between the AU and UN, has worked in practice and contributes to the discussion on peacekeeping operations as an effective mechanism of resolving conflicts in Africa. This thesis accessed new areas such as the strategic nature of the African state, international interest and involvement in the AU-UN peacekeeping operations in Darfur, Somalia and CAR, legitimacy issues, such as the local ownership of the peace operations, impact of Armed no state actors on peacekeeping operations in Africa, using Somalia, Sudan (Darfur) and the Central African Republic where the AU and UN are involved in cooperative peacekeeping operations to assess that. This thesis adopted a case study and qualitative paradigm which involved a structured gathering , presentation, analysis of data on the effectiveness of the African Union and the United Nations peacekeeping operations in Somalia, Sudan (Darfur) and the Central African Republic and adopted the collective security theory as its theoretical framework. This thesis finds out that seven factors such as funding, mandates that are clear and achievable, the doctrines of the United Nations peacekeeping, external actors, regional dimension of the conflict, issues of legitimacy, acceptance, local ownership, the roles of Africa’s regional economic communities and coordination between them and the African Union, the activities of armed non-state actors impacted significantly on the effectiveness of the peacekeeping operations of the African Union and the United Nations in Africa. This thesis recommends increased collaboration and coordination amongst the African Union, the United Nations and Africa’s regional economic institutions.
Amnesty as a mechanism for conflict resolution : a study of the Niger Delta conflict in Nigeria.
(2015) Moshood, Abdul-Wasi Babatunde.; Francis, Suzanne.
This study, through extensive field work interrogates the amnesty programme in the Niger Delta, and demonstrates how amnesty has impacted on peace. The Niger Delta region has suffered neglect from successive governments. The unbridled exploration for oil by multinationals, and neglect by the government has led to the conflict becoming intractable. In previous years, efforts at resolving the conflict in the Niger Delta included both the use of force and pacification, an approach that was a mixture of both force and dialogue. Little success seems to have been recorded using these initial mechanisms. The introduction of amnesty, however, seems to provide a palpable solution to the intransigent conflict, but has received criticism. Scholars have diverse views on the introduction and implementation of the amnesty programme in the Niger Delta conflict. Some of them opine that the programme should not be considered as a “silver-bullet”, but rather a temporary palliative to ensure peace in the region. Others argue that amnesty is just a process employed to buy peace, to ensure unhindered access to crude oil production in the region, and not a process informed by the need to achieve sustainable peace in the region. The need to engender sustainable peace in the Niger Delta is central to any future socio-economic development. This need is key to the introduction of the amnesty programme. Since the introduction of amnesty, the region has enjoyed stability, there has been an increase in the production of oil, and many Niger Delta people (including ex-militants) have been provided with the opportunity of capacity building and training in a peaceful coexistence. The study claims that amnesty as a home-grown conflict transformation mechanism could be used to achieve a sustainable peace in the oil rich region.
Analysis of Pretoria's peace democracy in Africa from 1994-2014.
(2015) Mhlongo, Bavuksile Hanna.; Nene, Sanele Ashel.
Pretoria’s foreign policy has undergone evolution since the advent of democracy as the ANC government has moved to take its place in the international relations arena. This evolution has seen South Africa establish itself as a significant role player in peace diplomacy in the African continent. From the time Pretoria started engaging in peace diplomacy, its efforts have met many challenges. For instance, in the 1990s, the democratic government created enemies in the continent after Pretoria publicly criticised the Nigerian government for executing the Ogoni activists, who included writer Ken Saro-Wiwa. As a result after 1999, Pretoria emphasised respecting other African nations’ sovereignty. South Africa resolved that it would engage in conflict resolution when invited by its counterparts. Through the launch of the African Renaissance, a continent’s renewal programme, South Africa has engaged in peace diplomacy through multilateralism. This way Pretoria has managed to achieve its goal of promoting Africa’s development on the one hand and on the other hand avoid to be seen as meddling in other African nations’ domestic affairs. Pretoria has also received praise for its peace diplomacy in countries such as Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). And many observers attribute South Africa’s success in peace mediation to the role Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma have played as principal foreign policy actors during their presidencies. While many foreign policy observers claim that Pretoria’s foreign policy was rooted in the idealistic approach during Mandela’s presidency, Mbeki’s was based on realistic approach and Jacob Zuma has followed in the footsteps of his predecessor, this is not entirely true. There is evidence that classifying Pretoria’s foreign policy as such is a simplistic understanding of the country’s international relations. Many observers also contend that while the post-apartheid government continues to make its mark as a peace mediator in the continent, South Africa’s foreign policy is still full of contradictions.
An analysis of South Africa's role in regional integration in Southern Africa : prospects and challenges.
(2014) Gwala, Sbusisiwe Philile.; Mngomezulu, Bhekithemba Richard.
Since the success of Regional Integration (RI) in Europe epitomized by the European Union (EU), the mutual potential benefits that could be attained from RI initiatives and agreements have attracted much attention to the topic of RI. In the African context, RI has been hailed as the mechanism that nurtures the development of economic income, trade and bargaining power. This has resulted in the establishment of a number of Regional Economic Communities (RECs) in different parts of Africa. Despite the prevalence of Regional Economic Agreements (REAs) across Africa, RI has been largely unsuccessful due to a confluence of factors. Having been disregarded as a legitimate state by the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region due to its apartheid regime prior to 1994, South Africa has since emerged as one of the well-developed countries in SSA. Having transitioned from the apartheid regime to a post-apartheid era, South Africa rose to become one of the dominant economic powerhouses in SSA, and a leader in the SADC region. The role of South Africa as a hegemon in SADC has been contested by some, citing the State’s inability to resolve some of its domestic problems to a satisfactory level. This research is an investigation or inquiry into the prospects of South Africa as the most qualified State to carry out the responsibility of spear-heading the RI process in the Southern African region. In the process of compiling this research secondary data obtained from books, journal articles, newspaper articles and existing theses dealing with RI in Europe, Africa, and Southern Africa were analysed. The results of this study portray South Africa as the most suitable candidate for leading RI in Southern Africa. This is primarily due to its advanced infrastructural development, superior economic strength and peace enforcement capabilities in conflict-ridden Africa. South Africa is also the largest capital contributor and the biggest investor in individual states in the SADC region. Based on these results, one recommendation is that the African continent in general and the SADC region in particular has reasons to cooperate with South Africa in reviving the RI agenda that would benefit the entire African continent. South Africa can still play its role as the leading economic powerhouse while the presidency of SADC block of nations is rotated annually amongst the member countries as in the EU. South Africa will then not be viewed suspiciously as having usurped the hegemonic status within the region. Giant strides have already been made in the political and economic arena; South Africa can build on these successes.
An analysis of the application of the South African Employment Equity Act (1998) in local government structures : a case study of female managers in the KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Department of Economic Development.
(2011) Ngubane, Priscilla Phumelele Sindisiwe.; Nadvi, Lubna.
Since its emergence as the ruling party in 1994, when South Africa became a democratic country, the African National Congress has legislated and implemented a number of policies that are aimed at redressing the historical imbalances of the past caused by the Apartheid system. The Constitution of South Africa provides for the equality of men and women as a basic human right. The South African Employment Equity Act (1998) was introduced as a way of assisting the process of achieving equality and fairness in the employment practices of government, business and other sectors in South Africa. Scholars such as Merilee Grindle have argued that for a policy to succeed many things need to be considered such as the internal and external environment in which the implementation is to occur. There has also got to be a buy-in from the relevant stakeholders as policy implementation can be influenced by the implementer’s own belief system. Factors such as one’s upbringing, religion, race, class and culture can all impact on workplace practices. Through face to face interviews with the people who are the intended beneficiaries of this policy, this study moves away from looking at the statistics that have previously been the sole analysis of the implementation of the Employment Equity Act (EEA) to look at historical, political and cultural influences on the application of the EEA. In particular this study attempts to interrogate whether cultural factors play a role or impact on the way the EEA is being implemented within a government department using the KwaZulu Natal Department of Economic Development as a case study. The obvious reason for focusing on culture is that one’s cultural background inevitably shapes how an individual views the world and engages with other people. Cultural beliefs and prejudices can also affect a person’s conduct in the workplace. KwaZulu Natal is a province that has a very long history of cultural traditions rooted in a largely patriarchal system, therefore interrogating this topic within this province is highly appropriate. The responses of the participants will reflect the views of mostly women in management positions. From these perspectives the study will reflect on the degree to which culture does play a role in the implementation of the EEA in this particular case study.
Analysis of the effectiveness of international partnership agreements in local municipalities in South Africa : case of eThekwini Municipality.
(2017) Camagu, Luvuyo Aggrey.; Magam, Nolubabalo Patricia Dawn.
Abstract available in PDF file.
An analysis of the role played by electoral stakeholders in the electoral process: a case study of Botswana and Zambia.
(2022) Sesa, Leonard Lenna.; Mngomezulu, Bhekithemba Richard.
Elections constitute one of the yardsticks used to determine the extent to which a country’s democracy has been consolidated. The involvement of electoral stakeholders is vital because it nurtures collaboration about the credibility of the elections. These stakeholders include civil society organizations, electoral experts, academia, religious organizations, youth, minorities and women, domestic and international observers. They fundamentally assist the electoral and participatory democracy to take root. An analysis of the role of electoral stakeholders in the elections in Zambia and Botswana is reported in this study. The overarching aim of the study was to evaluate the quality of elections in the two selected cases over the years; to ascertain the challenges faced by each of the two countries during the elections; and to determine the possible implications for the future of democracy in these countries. Underpinned by an indebt two tier theoretical approach, this study used a case study method adopted by Atkinson together with the democratic theory commonly applied in election studies. Furthermore, a mixed method research design was used to understand the perceptions of electoral stakeholders on their involvement in the Botswana and Zambia electoral processes. The findings of this study show that despite the minimal achievements that have been recorded on the management of the electoral processes, Botswana and Zambia have improved over the years. As a result, they have been labelled as shining democracies in the SADC region. The findings of this study also showed that the stakeholders’ perceptions on their involvement in Botswana and Zambia’s democracies are driven by both internal and external factors pertaining to their electoral management bodies that have the potential to affect the electoral processes as well as the level of trust in them and other institutions involved in the electoral processes. The study recommends that the legal basis of the Electoral Code of Conduct could be strengthened to widen the electoral commission powers to ensure compliance by all stakeholders.
Analyzing the role of Southern African Development Community (SADC) in the political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe (2007-2013).
(2014) Goto, Kudzai.; Malimela, Langelihle.; Jones, Alison Rae.
Twenty years ago, Zimbabwe was hailed as the “bread basket” of the Southern African region, unfortunately Zimbabwe has now become a basket case for its neighboring countries and beyond Africa. Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis is indeed a typical example of post-colonial state failure in Africa. Zimbabwe is facing a multidimensional crisis which has negative effects on its citizens and has resulted in an overflow of refugees into neighbouring countries such as South Africa and Botswana among others. This then has increasingly led to a situation whereby the neighboring countries have realized that they have a crucial role to play in trying to resolve the issues in Zimbabwe for the stabilization of the region and the country. The effort of these neighboring countries towards transforming the Zimbabwean crisis was prominently done through the regional body, SADC. This study analyses and examines SADC’s role in trying to resolve the political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe. The study interrogates the methods or strategies which SADC used to deal with the Zimbabwean crisis, as they gave South Africa a mediating role to try and resolve the crisis. The study adopts and recommends Transformative Mediation theory as an explanatory and analytical framework. Transformative Mediation theory is based on empowering the disputing parties, and enhancing each party's recognition of the other. Empowerment and recognition are two key concepts of Transformative Mediation. These concepts are essential analytical tools in evaluating whether or not SADC’s mediation efforts succeeded in resolving the crisis. The study concludes by reflecting on how SADC can strengthen its crisis and conflict mediation mechanisms and techniques.
An application of Rosenau's systemic approach to African migration into South Africa from 1994 to May 2008.
(2010) Leboucher, Quentin.; Grest, Jeremy.; Cumin, David.
With the end of Apartheid, the South African regime completely changed. This had implications for African migration into the country. The migration situation became a concern with the appearance of what has been referred to as xenophobia. But except for some particularities, the case of South Africa is not so very singular. Systemic approaches in the field of International Relations have proved to be an interesting analytical tool, and Rosenau’s ideas provide the opportunity to use those approaches at different levels, applying them to different case of studies. The goal of this thesis is first to build a system of analysis for migration issues, explaining the interactions between the different actors of the system. The system thus created should be able to be applied to many case of migration in different regions of the world. The second chapter seeks to apply this system to the case of South Africa, for a clear understanding of the phenomenon of African migration to that country. It explains the interests, roles and modes of interaction of the different actors such as the state, external actors and migrants.
Aspects of land and labour in Kenya, 1919-1939.
(1980) Lind Holmes, S. M.; Lumby, Anthony Bernard.
No abstract available.
Assessing conflict resolution and peace building strategies in democratic systems: a study of Yobe State, Nigeria 2009-2017.
(2020) Abideen, Abeeb Muhammed.; Joseph, Rudigi Rukema.
Since 2009, there has been an increasing spate of violent conflicts in the North-Eastern part of Nigeria. The crises have defied several efforts aimed at resolving them and now require urgent attention from all stakeholders to find a lasting solution. The Boko Haram insurgency and other terrorists’ activities, especially the Fulani Herdsmen/farmers’ conflict has resulted in a humanitarian crisis in which over 20,000 people have been killed and about 2.6 million displaced with property worth millions of Naira destroyed. The crises which are now extending to other parts of Nigeria and the sub-region of West Africa needs to be handled with all seriousness before the situation gets out of hand. Several strategies have been employed in resolving the crises, such as the use of the military, legal adjudication, setting up of dialogue committee, legislative approach and proposed granting of amnesty to the insurgents and terrorist groups. However, all these measures have not been able to resolve the crises. This research work assessed the different strategies that have been employed to stem the crises in the North-East with a view to identifying the loop-holes and bottlenecks that have deterred or hindered the resolution of the conflicts. Survey method was employed in the collection of data through the instrumentality of questionnaire. “Interviews were conducted in order to get first-hand information about the root causes of the conflicts from the people at the grassroots who are most affected by the crises. It is hoped that a thorough understanding of the causes, as well as, obstacles hindering the resolution of the conflicts will provide a headway toward finding alternative strategies such as the South Africa Truth Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and other Afro-centric strategies that could be combined with renewed democratic strategies towards finding lasting solutions to the lingering problems that have been on for over a decade and threatening the corporate existence of the country. Findings revealed the urgent need to reappraise the current counter insurgency strategies and money laundering Acts which are the major strategies employed in resolving the ongoing conflicts, “Whilst employing alternative strategies (hybridization) with more focus on political economy approach which centres on addressing the root cause of conflicts such as poverty, unemployment, inequality and with emphases on preventive methods to conflict resolution and peace building.
Assessing policy responses of African states and international actors on the threats of transnational terrorism to Africa's security and stability : a case study of Kenya.
(2015) Zondi, Sikhumbuzo.; Rieker, Mark Ivan.
Contemporary global state of affairs is faced with one of the most malicious phenomenon’s that has evolved over time but at a pace incomparable to its present outlook. Transnational terrorism and the war against it have come to define the age in which we live. The threat of terrorist attacks and the measures taken by governments around the world to prevent such atrocities are now part of our daily lives. Terrorism has been occurring for many centuries, however the twenty first century has witnessed the most brutal and deadliest acts of transnational terrorism ever recorded in history. Transnational terrorism is affecting all corners of the world and hardly a day passes without any acts of terrorism being reported in the media, from the United States of America to Australia, from Kenya to France, from Indonesia to Afghanistan and from the Middle East to West Africa. Terrorism is everywhere and it seeks to redefine the international state system, the legitimacy of sovereign states to protect their citizens and to introduce new legal norms governing the behavior of states. In Africa terrorism is a recently new phenomenon but it has made it existence felt on the security and stability of the continent, owing largely to other pressing factors that when combined threatens the security and stability of Africa, thus making it difficult for the continent to develop and advance its socio-economic and political objectives. Africa has witnessed some of the most horrifying acts of transnational terrorism from the Boko Haram attacks in northern Nigeria, Chad and Cameroun to Al-Shabaab attacks in Kenya. Also from al-Qaeda attacks in Somalia to the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) attacks in Tunisia. Africa’s security and stability are being seriously threatened by transnational terrorism and collective policy responses from all levels of analysis by all actors of international politics appears the only remedy against this phenomenon. With this in mind, this study seeks to examine the historical evolution of transnational terrorism in Africa. It also tries to assess the causes and policy responses made by both African and international state and non-state actors against the menace of transnational terrorism. The research uses Kenya as a case study to provide an in-depth analysis of the threat and collective policy responses to transnational terrorism. Finally, it assesses the implications of transnational terrorism on Africa’s security and stability and concludes with recommendations on how to collectively combat transnational terrorism.
Assessing South Africa's "quiet diplomacy" towards Zimbabwe : strengths and weaknesses.
(2008) Mkhize, Mbekezeli Comfort.; Piper, Laurence.
The research project begins with the land reform programme in Zimbabwe between 2000 and 2008. Under colonialism Britain took most arable land from the indigenous Zimbabweans and gave it to the white (minority) settler population. The research attempts to look at how, after independence, President Robert Mugabe has handled the issue of land in an effort to reverse this situation. Some of the consequences of land reform include the collapse of the economy, political instability and social incoherence. Together, these consequences have led to the 'crisis' to describe social and political life in Zimbabwe. Most importantly, the project analyses South Africa's approach in dealing with this 'crisis'. Therefore, South Africa's approach has become the key subject upon which this project will be focused. Initially, the approach that was adopted and implemented by South African government towards Zimbabwe was termed "Quiet Diplomacy". The reasons for this approach are several. Firstly, this approach was one way of respecting the sovereignty of Zimbabwe. In other words, this was an attempt to honour and respect the internal affairs of Zimbabwe. Secondly, Thabo Mbeki's government was of the view that using economic muscle to sanction Zimbabwe would worsen the situation because Zimbabwe is dependent on South Africa in terms of electricity supply and other resources. However, as Quiet Diplomacy appeared to be ineffectual in halting Zimbabwe's slide into further disarray, much criticism has been generated. Critics state that the approach is not working, and it has made the situation worse in Zimbabwe. In addition, the study, therefore, has hypothesised that: "Quiet Diplomacy" is not a viable approach to deal with the Zimbabwean crisis. In making this claim, the study observes both the strengths and weaknesses of "quiet diplomacy". Finally, the study also seeks to make possible options (other than quiet diplomacy) that South African government should have considered. In the end, the study intends to make recommendations such as 'smart' sanctions that could be used to address the situation in Zimbabwe.
Assessing the impact of integrated service delivery on poverty and employment creation: a case study of Operation Sukuma Sakhe in the eThekwini Metropolitan Municipality.
(2014) Macwele, Benedict Mathole.; Mngomezulu, Bhekithemba Richard.
Following the declaration of War on Poverty campaign by former president Thabo Mbeki in 2008, a number of provinces engaged in a process of aligning their long and short-term service delivery objectives with those of the campaign. In KwaZulu-Natal this engagement produced what is today known as Operation Sukuma Sakhe (OSS). OSS came into existence in 2009 and it aims to fast tract services delivery by promoting participatory democracy where the gap between government (service providers) and KwaZulu-Natal citizens (end-users of services) is significantly reduced. OSS, inter alia, promotes integrated services delivery, integrated planning and participation of end-users of government services in decision-making. The provincial government, district municipalities, local municipalities and wards each form the structure of overall arrangement of OSS. The Youth Ambassadors and Community Care Givers are the foot soldiers in OSS and their role is mainly to profile households in order to identify community needs. The study was conducted to assess the effectiveness of OSS as a mechanism used to address poverty and unemployment in KwaZulu-Natal. The findings of this study suggest that all the OSS structures have already been set-up in the EThekwini Municipality but are marred with operational challenges such as absenteeism of key stakeholders, lack of necessary resources and other deficiencies and challenges. Indeed OSS has contributed meaningfully to job creation as there are Youth Ambassadors who are employed and given about R 1500 monthly stipend. OSS can also be commended for reducing the severity of poverty in the Municipality where poverty alleviation projects are afoot such as the One Home One garden campaign and communal gardens just to name a few. What transpired from the focus group discussions with different focus groups that form part of the study sample is that OSS is a viable model but it still needs to be reform especially in terms of creating a monitoring and evaluation unit and a system of accountability to ensure that members behave in acceptable standards.
Assessing the implications of South Africa's commercial expansion in the rest of Africa.
(2005) Lutchman, Jessica.; Uzodike, Nwabufo Okeke.
No abstract available.
Assessing the role and capability of the peace and security council of the African Union in bringing about peace in Africa : a case study of Burundi and Sudan.
(2010) Sifolo, Ntandazo.; Okeke-Uzodike, Nwabufo Ikechukwu.
This thesis examines the Peace and Security Council (PSC) of the African Union (AU) in light of the continental challenges of peace and security. It explores the prospects for the success of the PSC in its endeavours. The study’s central argument is that the PSC’s ability to successfully tackle peace and security challenges depends greatly on the cooperation of the fifteen members of the PSC as well as between the fifty-three African Union members and the international community at large, including the United Nations. This hypothesis is backed by the argument that although the PSC may be a practical translation of the theoretical statement that ‘African problems need African solutions’, the reality is that the PSC cannot achieve such an ambitious objective alone. The PSC’s enthusiasm should be bolstered by the requisite assistance from the international arena. The international community, especially the major players or countries in the international political spectrum, are challenged to work together with the PSC in its quest for African peace and security. The members of the international community are called upon to discontinue their parallel peace and security initiatives in Africa in favour of supporting and strengthening the PSC’s ongoing initiatives. Another critical point raised in the study is that the UN’s brief to cultivate world peace and security obliges it to buttress the PSC’s initiatives, the home-grown regional solutions to Africa’s inherent peace and security challenges. This support should include the UN’s engagement at all levels with the newly created African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). Indeed, the moral challenge for the international community is to support Africa’s already demonstrated political will with the necessary assistance. This study advocates political and economic cooperation, resource mobilisation and provision of the relevant expertise. The validity of the study’s hypothesis has been tested and confirmed by means of a deeper inquiry into the PSC’s normal business conduct, and a comparative analysis of the case studies relating to the PSC’s interventions in Burundi and in Sudan’s Darfur region. This study of those interventions has illuminated the PSC’s opportunities and challenges: on the one hand, it has revealed that the PSC’s authority and legitimacy are not challenged, at least in Africa. On the other hand, however, it has lent support to the thesis that the PSC cannot go it alone - a conclusion that has encouraged the entire AU to find ways of challenging the UN to own up to its obligations. The PSC has made noteworthy strides in assisting to streamline and coordinate the support and engagement it receives from the international community. The major limitation of the study is that it was conducted before other PSC support structures (the African Standby Force and the Continental Early Warning System) were fully operational. The study thus could not assess the full potential of the PSC. Nonetheless, the study has sought to identify potential or latent challenges which could hamper the PSC’s success, whether its support structures are fully operational or not. In the end, the study recommends greater coordination and cooperation between the PSC and major international actors including the UN.
An assessment of Nigeria’s counter-terrorism policies against Boko Haram.
(2017) Faluyi, Olumuyiwa Temitope.; Khan, Sultan.; Akinola, Adeoye Ologuntoye.
Boko Haram has perpetrated its terrorist acts within Nigeria and the Lake Chad Basin since 2009. This has drawn local and international attention. The modus operandi of the sect has taken the forms of shootings, kidnappings and use of Improvised Explosive Devices. The Nigerian government has responded to the Boko Haram quagmire. However, despite government’s response, the sect has continued to unleash its terror. This study seeks to assess government’s counter-terrorism policies against Boko Haram. This culminated into the generation of salient questions like what the policies are, factors that informed government’s rationale for adopting these policies, how effective the policies have been and how government can have pro active strategies to address the Boko Haram crisis. Systems and state fragility theories were used as the theoretical lens that guided the study. The systems theory was used to explain factors that informed the adoption of government’s counter-terrorism polices and why feedback is necessary. The feedback is necessary in order to discover flaws in a policy so that such flaws can be addressed and better polices can be made and implemented. This is the thrust of this study. The state fragility theory was used to explain how the weakness of the Nigerian state aided the emergence of Boko Haram and has also affected Nigeria’s counter-terrorism policies in mitigating the excesses of Boko Haram. The weakness of the Nigerian state is hinged on weak state institutions which has manifested through economic inequality, poverty, porosity of border, brutality of the security apparatus and political instability. The study adopted qualitative data analysis method. This was actualised through the review and assessment of journals, books, reports, newspapers and media reports. The study assessed National Counter-Terrorism Strategy and the Legislative Acts directed towards counter-terrorism in order to have a robust assessment. The policies are deemed weak due to poor implementation caused by weak state institutions. The manifestations of a fragile state were seen as factors responsible for the non optimal performance of these policies in the course of implementation. The need to strengthen state institutions was given as suggestion on how to make the policies work effectively.

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