Papers

Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/10413/128

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Is it so bad to be called a snake?
(The Witness., 2009-04-21) Mare, Gerhard.
Any society is as strong as the shared beliefs and values its members hold. When the social unit is a country — such as is the case when we claim democratic rights through shared citizenship — then understanding and acceptance of democratic processes and the right of all to participate in those are fundamental. “Democratic processes” refer to much more than periodic casting of votes, such as the April elections, although those moments provide a focus for examining our general commitment to social cohesion and the rights and duties that are given and demanded of all of us.
Making a distinction.
(The Witness., 2009-09-23) Mare, Paul Gerhardus.
The Penguin dictionary defines racism as, first, “the belief that race is the primary determinant of human traits and capacities”; and, second, as “hostility towards or discrimination against people of a race other than one’s own”. Racialism is simply referred to as “racism”. It is, therefore, understandable (albeit regrettable) why, on publication, the term “non-racialism” was twice changed to “non-racism” in the Difference and Diversity column that appeared on August 3.
Race classification at the University of KwaZulu‐Natal: purposes, sites and practices.
(2010) Ruggunan, Shaun Denvor.
Race classification has long been a feature of South African life, in daily life and its cognitive processes, and also in formal state-driven bureaucratic forms. In the post-apartheid period, classification of individuals on the basis of race has continued despite a stated commitment to principles of non-racialism. Primarily, this is justified in its formal manifestation because of the acknowledged need for redress of apartheid generated inequalities both in the labour market and in access to opportunities and resources (such as higher education). Investigating the purposes and practices of race classification in an institution of higher learning in South Africa – in this case, the University of KwaZulu-Natal as one of the largest employers in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, as well as one of the largest national universities – offers a particularly interesting insight into these issues and provides an example of sites where this occurs. The research project has three key aims. Firstly it seeks broadly to identify the purpose of race classification, secondly the project investigates the processes followed in classifying people according to race, thirdly the study is interested in the effects, if any, of both classifying and being classified (from the perspective of the classifier) and the challenges involved in race classification. The project concludes by suggesting alternatives to race based classification.
SA - a place for everyone?
(The Witness., 2009-08-31) Mare, Paul Gerhardus.
A small furore about a big issue was recently created when the ANC Youth League’s Julius Malema strongly criticised the dominance of the state’s ‘economic cluster’ by individuals drawn from ‘minorities’. It appeared that he was not alone in this concern. The individuals referred to in the ‘cluster’ were Pravin Gordhan, Ebrahim Patel, Rob Davies, Barbara Hogan and Gill Marcus. The ‘minorities’ involved, making sense only if we accept as valid apartheid’s race classification through the Population Registration Act of 1950, are then coloureds (for surely Trevor Manuel can’t escape, and has not been exempt from such categorisation in the past), whites and Indians. Of course, the general notion of ‘minority’ relies on a notion of an identifiable ‘majority’, and here Malema identified that dominant group as ‘we, black people’ and regretted the absence of ‘an African child’ as Governor of the Reserve Bank. He threatened an ‘uprising’ unless the issue was properly addressed.
Use of mental imagery by athletes competing in different sport types.
(2010) Whitehead, Kevin.
The anti-apartheid struggle was characterised by tensions between the opposing principles of non-racialism (as exemplified by the Freedom Charter) and racialism (as exemplified by Black Consciousness). While non-racialism has become a central value in post-apartheid South Africa, tensions remain between the ANC government‘s long-standing commitment to non-racialism and its continued use of race-conscious policies and appeals to black nationalism. These tensions are also reflected in the writings of social scientists, who have questioned how we might address ―a rejection of the actual ‗existence‘ of races as well as the overwhelming existence of the social construct in having shaped – and still shaping – the life chances of citizens‖ (Maré 2001:80; cf. Posel 2001b:75-76). While questions of this nature are clearly important and complex matters for policymakers and social scientists to grapple with, I show in this paper that they are also lively concerns for ordinary people in South Africa – and that an examination of everyday interactions in South Africa can provide illuminating insights. Specifically, I employ an ethnomethodological, conversation analytic approach to examine some ways in which speakers‘ racial category memberships (or identities) are treated as resources for action or constraints on action. My analysis demonstrates that racial category membership can contribute to speakers‘ production of particular courses of action, lend additional weight to actions, and assist recipients in recognising the actions speakers are producing. Conversely, racial category membership can make it more difficult for certain categories of people to produce a particular action, at a particular moment, for particular recipients. I conclude by discussing the implications of these findings, and argue that they point to the contingent and situational operation of what I call practical non-racialism (as well as practical racialism), which contrasts with the strict or principled non-racialism proposed by some race scholars. Racial Category Membership as Resource and Constraint in Everyday Interactions:

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