Doctoral Degrees (Political Science)

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Feminising the peace process : a comparative analysis of women and conflict in the Niger-delta (Nigeria) and KwaZulu-Natal (South Africa)
(2009) Isike, Christopher Afoke.; Okeke-Uzodike, Nwabufo Ikechukwu.
This study starts with the premise that the paucity of women in political leadership positions in society accounts for their absence from the formal peace table. Indeed, as many studies have shown, women are globally marginalized at all levels of public decision-making, and Africa is not left out of this trend. For a continent that is particularly plagued by armed conflict, Africa is generally known for masculinisng the public space including political governance. In this way, women in the continent are formally excluded from peace processes despite not only the roles they play during and after conflict but also their disproportionate vulnerability to the after-effects. Therefore, this study hypothesises that involving women in politics and governance on an equal basis with men would enhance the peace process in conflict-affected societies in Africa. To test this hypothesis, the study investigates the extent to which women’s participation in political processes or governance can enhance peacebuilding in conflict-affected communities using KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa and the Niger Delta in Nigeria as case studies. Specifically, it poses the following questions: What is the impact of conflict on women in these study areas, and how does it define the women’s reality with regard to the conflict cycle? How have women responded to conflict and its resolution in these study areas? Will increased political representation of women both in government and decision-making points of the peace machinery enhance the peace process? What societal notions and ideologies under-gird the role perception and construction of women as ‘victims only’ in conflict situations, and which help to fuel their exclusion from peace processes? And what veritable lessons can be learnt from women’s involvement in conflict resolution in these case studies? In grappling with these questions, the study utilises a combination of research methods and approaches in collecting and analysing data from the both secondary and primary sources. For example, it adopts a qualitative method which it combines with feminist research (perspective and practice) and comparative case study approaches. Using the questionnaire and interview instruments, the study relies on data from surveys of 295 women and 4 men drawn from both case studies. In KwaZulu-Natal, an additional 40 students (25 females and 15 males) of the University of KwaZulu-Natal were also surveyed in two focus group discussions. While all data were analysed by content analysis with the help of the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS), the questionnaire survey data were further subjected to statistical analysis (Chi Square and Logistic Regression Analysis) to test for the significance of the variables that could explain the perception that more women in politics would enhance peace building. Mainly, the study found out that just as women are victims of armed conflict, they are also agents of peace. Second, women often articulate conflict and peace in different ways to men based on the ethic of care which defines their femininity. Third, women are active peace agents (as reconcilers and community builders) at the informal levels in their communities and they can be used for reconciliatory roles in the peace process – that is to break down gender dualism which perpetuates conflict. Fourth, in partnership with men, women make peace building more effective than if there are few or no women. Therefore, there is a need to mainstream women into politics on an equal basis with men, and men need to be carried vi along in this project. Fifth, given the failure of male dominated politics to prevent and manage violent conflict, women need to be encouraged to come into politics as women so that they can bring their own values to bear. Finally, based on statistical analysis, some of the positive predictors of the characteristics of women which suggest that more women in politics would enhance peace-building include marital status, education and place of interview (context). The study also explores some theoretical considerations for feminising peace-building. These include the human security paradigm, the human factor paradigm and John Lederach’s moral imagination model of peace building. The relationship between these paradigms/models and peace building is located in their emphasis on the importance of the human agency in peace building discourse and action. For instance, while the human security paradigm emphasises the significance of factoring people into the security, peace and development calculus, both the human factor and moral imagination paradigms underscore the fact that the quality of the people that can make the difference between violent conflict and peace matters. For example, while positive human factor qualities such as integrity, accountability, selflessness and truthfulness can create a fertile environment for good governance and development, from a moral imagination perspective, relatedness, collaboration, love, empathy and tolerance are necessary and sufficient factors for creating a fertile environment for peace building. From a critical survey of literature on women, politics and peace building in pre-colonial African societies, this study found that women in Africa generally embody positive human factor traits and moral imagination capacities which reinforced the high moral authority society accorded them. Oftentimes, women drew on this moral authority, which was based on the ethics of care that defined their femininity, to exert themselves politically, economically and socially. For instance, they leveraged on this moral authority to assume peacemaking and peace building roles by mediating in intra-community and inter-community conflicts, educating children to value peaceful co-existence and, frequently, carried out peace sacrifices and purification/cleansing rites to reintegrate their warriors into civil society. Based on this, and the practical illustrations/stories of women’s peace agency in parts of post-colonial Africa, this study contends that the values they represent can be appropriated and developed into an African feminist ethic of peace which can be utilised as both a conflict-prevention and post-conflict reconstruction model in other conflict-prone areas of the continent. However, the potential of women’s peace agency is clogged by their exclusion (by both men and women themselves) from the peace processes of their communities and nation-states, and this is perpetuated by the political marginalisation of women. Therefore, based on the finding that women (in partnership with men) make peace building more effective than if there are few or no women, the study makes a number of recommendations which are in line with the mandate of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325. These include: African states should enact constitutionally guaranteed electoral laws and policies to enable women to appropriate their own political spaces. Second, the peace process should be engendered in ways that will enable women to continue to play traditional reconciliatory roles especially at the grass root level. Third, because men remain critical to the gender equality project, they should be carried along through re- enlightenment that will make them see women empowerment as an African renaissance rather than as a western imposition. In the same vein, re-socialising men to assume co-parenting responsibilities will help deconstruct the basis of patriarchy in society and in the process enthrone a new kind of civilisation. This is imperative considering that gender equality in private and public life is both a necessary and sufficient factor for peace building.
Caveat emptor. Ideological paradigms in decolonising and postcolonial Africa.
(2006) Jones, Alison Rae.; Lawrence, Ralph Bruce.
The study is premised on a notion of 'African crisis'. Since the notion of crisis is multi-dimensional, hence susceptible to variable interpretations and emphases, the study posits and argues two interconnected hypotheses, thus operating within a finite investigative and interpretive framework It is hypothesised that a crisis of the state in Africa to a significant extent is a crisis in the spheres of political legitimacy and social cohesion. As both spheres fall within the operational ambit of ideology, the study examines the concept in some depth. In order to investigate the problematic of ideology in decolonising and postcolonial Africa, a distinction is made between ideology per se and phenomena and practices deemed ideological. During a process of exploring and analysing this distinction, cognisance is taken of the interface between ideology and social science paradigms. From this interface emerges the notion of an 'ideological paradigm'. Accordingly, it is hypothesised that two dominant paradigms in Cold War era Africa, namely, modernisation theory and scientific Marxism, are implicated in the crisis of the state. Included in this proposition is an argument that the application of exogenous developmental schematics in effect reproduced a colonial ethos inhospitable to endogenous innovation and initiative, not least in respect to the formulation and application of ideologies adequately congruent with - hence intelligible to - the lived worlds of Africans. Moreover, to the extent that the post Cold War era is characterised by the dominance of a neoliberal paradigm, this contention is of continuing relevance. The better to distinguish between an ideological paradigm and an ideology, the study investigates two significant departures from paradigmatic convention in decolonising Guinea-Bissau and postcolonial Tanzania. Both Amilcar Cabral and Julius Nyerere articulated and applied ideologies on the whole grounded more in local contexts than in exogenous paradigms. While Cabral's thesis is discussed at some length during the course of a literature review, Ujamaa in Tanzania comprises the dissertation's main case study. Tanzania is conceptualised as embarking on a post-independence quest for an inclusive epistemology on which to base an ideology at once locus-specific and informed by general tenets of human-centred socialism. From this quest emerged a national ethic that - in a post Cold War era - continues to influence state-societal relations in Tanzania, and thus has proven to be of lasting value.
Implementation of oil-related environmental policy in Nigeria : government inertia and conflict in the Niger Delta.
(2010) Allen, Fidelis.
Efficiency versus democracy : unpacking the decision-making process in South African cities.
(2006) Barichievy, Kelvin Charles.; Piper, Laurence.; Parker, Benjamin Philip.
This thesis probes the extent and consequences of the new local government reforms in four municipalities, namely, Msunduzi, (Pietermaritzburg) Buffalo City, (East London) eThekwini (Durban) and Nelson Mandela (Port Elizabeth). These reforms call for a shift from a representative type of local government to a participative form of local governance and require municipalities to conduct their activities in a more democratic way than they did before. Of particular concern to this thesis is the effect of these democratic requirements on the efficiency of the decision-making process. The research has yielded sufficient evidence to support the claim that greater democracy in the decision-making structures and processes will result in a cost to efficiency. This, therefore, confirms the tension between democracy and efficiency in municipal decision-making. A distinction is made between efficiency and efficacy, in that whereas efficiency is measured in terms of "minimum effort", efficacy includes normative evaluation as to whether the decision-making outcomes really address the needs and preferences they are intended to. This thesis examines the impact of these new democratic requirements on the municipal decision-making process in terms of both theories of democracy and systems theory. Through applying Robert Dahl to the new democratic requirements the thesis identifies four criteria in terms of which democratic operation of municipal decision-making is measured: inclusivity, transparency, accountability and participation. Through reviewing systems theory, the thesis identifies the importance of reviewing the structural, organizational culture and development aspects of the decision-making process to develop the fullest picture of what is going on. The thesis then proceeds on the basis of a qualitative evaluation of the case studies to yield several significant sub-findings including that there are no efficiency reasons for preferring the executive mayoral system over the executive committee system, and good democracy reasons to prefer the latter over the former.
The KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Legislature : political elite formation and change, 1994-2004.
(2008) Francis, Suzanne.; Johnston, Alexander.
This is a study, through extensive empirical fieldwork research, of political elite formation in the Provincial Legislature of KwaZulu-Natal over a ten-year period from 1994-2004. The period of this study covers two successive provincial government elections and two terms of office. The first election was the founding election of South Africa's new democracy. Through the frameworks of classical and democratic elite theory, the social and political composition, patterns of recruitment, values, ideology and institutional capacity of the elected members of the legislature are analysed. The findings of this study demonstrate that the new institutional context has provided for greater party fluidity and instability in the legislature of a political elite that came to power through fragmented and contradictory alliances, has become more homogenous, and for some, their contradictory affiliations tie their interests to the legislature. In addition, an emerging political culture of value systems and ideology is beginning to take shape across political parties in a manner that has the potential to undermine the democratic institutions of government. As a product of this, and an underdeveloped institutional capacity, certain issues dominate the provincial agenda as the elite come to redefine their interests. Alongside this the longevity of a few is guaranteed. As such, political elite formation in KwaZulu-Natal has the potential to undermine the basis of democracy in the province.
Civil society and opposition politics in Nigeria (1985-1999).
(2002) Akintola, Olubukola Stella.; Uzodike, Nwabufo Okeke.
This study investigates the role of civil society in the Nigerian polity between 1985 and 1999. The institutions that constitute civil society, particularly human rights organizations, professional groups, non-governmental organizations have played crucial roles in checking the excesses of Nigerian governments. They have also -served not only as instruments for protecting human rights and guarding against the aouse-of the rule of law in the absence of a constitution but also in the advocacy of democracy in Nigeria. e study examines generally and in theoretical terms not only the relationship between 'state and civil society but also how far, and in what ways the state can affect or engage, purposefully, civil society in general. Drawing on de Tocquiville, Diamond, Gramsci, Hegel, Hobbes, Mamdani, Marx, and Mill, the study attempts to cut through the definitional quagmire by defining civil society as an arena made up of voluntary associations with differing interests and objectives and anchored within the space between state and society, which work towards those diverse societal interests with the aim either of promoting change or maintaining the status quo. The struggle against military dictatorshijJ in Nigeria gave rise to a large and complex civil society. The study examines the activities and / internal problems of these organizations. Specifically, it focuses on the role and effectiveness of civil society groups as instruments of democratic change in Nigeria. In this regard, it examines extensively their oppositional stance against military dictatorship and assesses their effectiveness in promoting transparency, accountability, and good governance in Nigeria. In essence, then, the study seeks to provide insight not only about the workings ofNigerian civil society organizations but also their potential as a vehicle for emplacing transparent and effective governance. To drive the point home, the study examines three major civil society organizations (representing different categories of civil society) that played crucial roles in the struggle for good governance and the protection of fundamental human rights in Nigeria. These are the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), and the Campaign for Democracy (CD). Looking ystematically at eacn of the three cases, it investigates the dangerous and, often, brutal struggle by members of the civil society as they sought to compel successive military regimes to adhere to pnnciples of good governance, respect for basic human rights, transformative development, arid-democracy. A testimony of their relative success in pursuit of their appositional agenda was reflected not only in the political transition activities of each military government but also in their ability to isolate recalcitrant regimes and externalize the struggle by sensitizing the internationalcommunity as happened under General Sani Abacha. Nevertheless, the ability and capacity of civil society to sustain its role as a balancing force between the Nigerian state and people remains in doubt due both to continuing uneasiness in its relationship with the state and to organizational and operational problems associated with internal factionalization, proneness to infiltration and sabotage, victimization by obnoxious laws and decrees, inadequacy of funding, weak operating capacity, fragile organizational struchlres, and poor alliance and networking arrangements. The Study argues that in order to provide a constructive challenge to the authority and power of the state and to achieve their transformative agenda for social, economic, and political development of Nigeria, civil society groups would need to wrestle effectively with some of these problems.
Democratisation and local government transformation in South Africa : a case study of Maluti district, 1995-2005.
(2010) Appiah, George Wiredu Kwadwo.; Simelane, Hamilton Sipho.; Amtaika, Alexius Lambat.
Since the dawn of political independence on the African continent, most governments have failed to properly develop systems of local government. In many cases efforts have resulted in mere tokenism, and in most cases failed experiments. South Africa is an exception. With the assumption of political leadership in 1994, the ANC government committed itself to a programme of restructuring the racially exclusive and compartmentalised local government systems at the time. The emphasis was to be on eradicating the effects of apartheid. Considering the debilitating aspects of the past political landscape, it was understood that democratisation and transformation would be a long process and not achievable overnight. The ANC government's commitment to restructuring local government was based on a trajectory of transition or developmental theories. The creation of more political space through Civil Society Organisations (CSO) was also promoted. With the introduction of the White Paper on Local Government in March 1998 it was agreed that it would serve as a blueprint for DLG (Developmental Local Government). The latter was also to focus on improving standards of living for previously disadvantaged people. The objectives were to be achieved through decentralisation and the devolution of power. There was to be a shift in approach from ' tier' to ' sphere' . The writer examines the importance of DLG and its ability to fulfil the demands and needs of local communities. The writer further examines the challenges that face DLG, namely administrative difficulties and unethical practices. Millions of rands are recklessly dissipated and siphoned off through dubious tenders. There have also been some measures of success, and these are noted. The writer comes to the conclusion that although institutional structures and mechanisms are in place to support service delivery, they are not responding effectively to community needs and demands. Local communities are still casualties in the ongoing processes of democratisation and transformation.
Ethnic militias and conflict in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria : the international dimensions (1999-2009)
(2010) Gilbert, Lysias Dodd.; Amuwo, Adekunle.
Since the commencement of the 4th Republic in Nigeria in May 1999, one relatively permanent characterisation of the country’s political landscape has been belligerent ethno-nationalism or ethnic militancy. The activities of ethnic militias exacerbated insecurity; confronted the status of the state as the sole legitimate monopolist of the instruments of force and violence; exposed the weak loyalty and allegiance of the populace to the Nigerian nation-state project; and threatened its continued existence as a corporate entity. Decades of marginalisation and injustice foisted on the Niger Delta people by the Nigerian state in tandem with major Multinational Oil Corporations (MNOCs), precipitated the nasty experience of frustration and deprivation, which triggered a section of the youth in the region to embark on the formation of militia groups as an extra-constitutional method for negotiation, and redressing the political cum socio-economic dehumanising conditions of the region. Thus, there is a historically established case of grievance instigated by environmental degradation and despoliation, neglect, poverty, political exclusion and intensified military repression of the Delta people by the Nigerian state in collaboration with the MNOCs. However, though there are ethnic militias in other parts of the country, its rampant proliferation and seeming sustainability in the region -- in the face of organised state violence -- is unprecedented and deserves scholarly investigation. This study, therefore, investigates the extent to which the quest for opportunism and predation by the ethnic militias has led to the escalation of armed conflicts in the Niger Delta region during the timeline of this research. It seeks to establish a linkage between economic gains (through hostage taking for huge sums of money and illegal trading in petroleum products) and the intensification of armed conflicts by ethnic militias in the region. Further, the study systematically interrogates the extent to which international commercial collaborators boosted the violent activities of ethnic militias in the Delta geopolitical landscape. Using the qualitative research approach and data from both primary and secondary sources, the study establishes a correlation between economic opportunism, the proliferation of militias and the escalation of armed conflict in the region during the timeline of this research. Several young people also became highly attracted to belligerent ethno-nationalism in the region as a result of the greed to corner resources from illegal oil bunkering, kidnapping, outright patronage from the political elite and the MNOCs. There was rampant multiplicity and mutation of militias and armed gangs whose main purpose appears to be their involvement in the highly lucrative criminal business of hostage-taking for ransom rather than a principled struggle for resource control and socio-economic justice. Clearly, several people and groups have used such injustices as a rationale for justifying what otherwise would be criminal activities: oil theft, armed robbery and hostage taking for ransom. The quest for various forms of gains therefore motivated the ‘democratisation’ of ethnic militancy purportedly fighting for the Delta region; while in reality, criminality was being deployed as a veritable instrument for illegal resource exploitation, political patronage and primitive accumulation. The phenomenal attraction of people to militancy in the region reached alarming proportion in 2006 when kidnapping for ransom became a strategic weapon popularised by the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). Generally speaking, it has been estimated that militias may not have been more than 20,000 persons in the region during the pre-kidnapping years. But by January 2009, field studies revealed that no fewer than 50,000 people were involved in militant activities -- a figure that represents more than 50 % of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Further, this research also establishes a linkage between the activities of ethnic militias, illegal oil bunkering, foreign opportunistic traders and the sustainability of conflict in the region during the study period. The purchase of stolen crude oil by opportunistic international commercial traders from various countries of the world was the major source of sustainability of militia movements until 2005. It provided the much-needed arms and money for the cycle of violence and conflict and, thus, became a source of attraction to more militias. With the improved performances of security forces in the region and the consequent diversification of the militias into hostage taking, however, the level of conflict sustenance through oil theft and foreign networks reduced drastically between 2006 and 2009 in comparison with the pre-kidnapping years of 1999 to 2005.
Organizational disempowerment : an opportunity for personal, social and political capacity development.
(1999) Pegram, Joan Ann.; Lawrence, Ralph Bruce.
This thesis addresses the capacity development needs of white-collar employees within large organizations. Common employee problems of violation and diminishment of potential are ignored by mainstream organizational theory and management practice. Because these problems are unarticulated in any formal sense they lack legitimacy in the mainstream discourse. I label such problems, that result from unequal social relations, as problems of "disempowerment". This labelling re-conceptualizes the large organizational context as a political community with an institutionalized capacity to disempower employees, stunt their personal, social and political development, and inhibit any challenge to the existing privileged arrangements. The re-labelling of common employee problems in this way positions the research challenge in the political domain, stimulates the capacity to redefine problematic social relations in creative ways and opens the way for different possibilities and different solutions. An analytical examination of multi-disciplinary scholarship reveals articulation of a common theme that can be viewed as facets of the problem which I identify as one of disempowerment. The main body of the thesis examines these disciplines and collates the literature of concern into a structured argument. The main thrust of the argument is that the alternative debate to mainstream organizational theory and management practice has been marginalized and lacks legitimacy. This situation allows the orthodox view, with its focus on technical problem solving and efficiency, to ignore the more humane aspects of organizational life that demand the socio-political development of employees in order for them to make a meaningful contribution. Although there is a rhetoric of empowerment in organizational development thrusts, these do not address the political challenge of organizational life. The thesis suggests that employees, in collectively picking up the challenge of their own personal, social and political development, can transform organizations into becoming more humane ones that promote capacity development as a common benefit. This initiative would require the institutionalized support of academe in legitimizing and disseminating an alternative debate.
Histories of violence, states of denial-militias, martial arts and masculinities in Timor-Leste.
(2010) Myrttinen, Henri.; Harris, Geoffrey Thomas.; Morrell, Robert Graham.
This thesis examines the complex interplay between violence and concepts of masculinity using the case study examples of former members of pro-Indonesian militia groups and current members of gangs, martial arts and ritual arts groups in Timor-Leste. Thirty-eight former and current members of these groups were interviewed in both Timor-Leste and Indonesian West Timor. While the members of these groups and their violent acts are often cast in relatively simplistic terms as being the work of misguided, socio-economically marginalised, violent young men, the thesis argues that the phenomena of these groups are far more complex and are intricately intertwined with local East Timorese and imported concepts of what it means to be a man. In addition to being political and economic projects, membership in these groups gives the men new, albeit often violent, ways of defining their masculine identity and defining their place in post-colonial, post-conflict East Timorese society. The violent enactments of masculinity displayed by the young men involved in the various groups examined in this thesis have been formed by the violent history of Timor-Leste but simultaneously the young men have also been personally involved in forming this history of violence. Both on the personal and on the level of the East Timorese state, these histories of violence are dealt with strategies of denial when it comes to taking personal responsibility for violence, leading to impunity and denial of justice to the victims. For the perpetrators, though, denial of responsibility and justifications of violence are used in an attempt to regain masculine honour and respectability in the eyes of broader society. Violence continues to be one of the tools they are willing to resort to for addressing real and perceived grievances, both on the personal and public level. Given the disruptive and deadly ways in which the activities of these young men have affected Timor-Leste, a central challenge for building a peaceful, just and equitable society will be to overcome the ways in which masculinities are defined through violence – a task which requires the involvement of East Timorese boys and men, but also their mothers, aunts, sisters, daughters, wives and lovers.
Rationalising the management of individuals : theory, power and subjects in the thought of Michel Foucault.
(1997) Deacon, Roger Alan.; De Kadt, Raphael.
This thesis explores the implications of the work of Michel Foucault for the Enlightenment project. Specifically, it asks whether and how the modern drive to explain the world so as to guide political action and promote progressive change, can be defended in the light of Foucault's critique of Western philosophy, his reconceptualisation of power relations and his account of the subject. Firstly, it is shown how Foucault's genealogy, a hybrid and polemical approach, aims to call into question the theories and practices which underpin the present. Genealogy problematizes what we have come to take for granted, and in so doing it requires that we rethink not only the nature and history of Western philosophical thought but also the role of intellectuals. To attempt to write a history of truth is to ask what one can know of a concept which structures the very limits of our knowledge. It is to become aware of the forces and constraints involved in our production of truth, and thus to bring to light the complex relationship between knowledge and power. Secondly, Foucault argued that, since ancient times, forms of knowledge and relations of power, characterised by individualising and totalising tendencies, have steadily but discontinuously integrated into disciplinary technologies which have been instrumental in constituting the sovereign human individuals which philosophy assumes as given. Following Foucault's lead in focusing not on what power is, but on how it operates historically and in concrete ways, it is shown how Foucault reconceptualised relations of power as strategies of governance which depend on the existence of free subjects capable of resistance. Thirdly, the spotlight falls on the role of relations of power and knowledge, especially the human sciences, in manufacturing subjectivity (from souls and bodies to individual actors), which is in turn related to Foucault's call to irreverently question the limits of philosophy and to engage in aesthetic stylistic experimentation upon ourselves within and against the bounds imposed on us by our present. The thesis concludes by arguing that Foucault's iconoclastic genealogy of our limits and our possibilities leaves us with a rich set of analyses and strategies with which we might render modernity unfamiliar and available for refabrication.
Cities and citizenship : towards a normative analysis of the urban order in South Africa, with special reference to East London, 1950- 1986.
(1991) Atkinson, Doreen.; Frost, Mervyn L.; Bekker, Simon.
Abstract not available.
The United Democratic Front (UDF) : a case study of democratic organisation, 1983-1987.
(1998) Houston, Gregory Frederick.; Phillips, Ian.; Johnston, Alexander.
This study, using the theoretical basis of the writings of Lenin and Gramsci on revolutionary theory and praxis, traces the formation, policy and aims, membership and structure, and practices of the United Democratic Front (UDF) and selected affiliate organisations during the period 1983-1987. The central problem investigated is the relation between revolutionary theory and praxis and the aims, policies and practices of the UDF and its affiliates. More particularly, in what respects does the formation of the UDF and revolutionary developments thereafter meet the strategic and tactical requirements of Lenin and Gramsci's theories of revolutionary strategy? It is argued that the formation of the UDF, and revolutionary developments during the period of review, conformed to the strategic and tactical requirements of a Leninist-Gramscian model of revolutionary praxis in the following way: the general drive to establish mass-based community organisations (increasing the complexity of civil society by establishing mass organisations); the formation of the UDF in August 1983 (creating a historical bloc in opposition to the ruling bloc during the phase of democratic struggle); and the development and spread of a common national political culture based on resistance to apartheid (expanding the revolutionary consciousness of the masses). During the period under review, the UDF-Ied opposition to apartheid resulted in the organisational and ideological penetration of the Front into almost every major sector of black civil society. The major forces behind the increasing political and ideological leadership of the UDF were the affiliated civic associations, trade unions, student/youth and women's organisations. These organisations played a central role in mass mobilisation and organisation and the spread of revolutionary consciousness throughout black civil society.
Covenanted peoples : the Ulster Unionist and Afrikaner Nationalist coalitions in growth, maturity and decay.
(1991) Johnston, Alexander.; Frost, Mervyn L.
Abstract not available.
Military interventions in African conflicts : the Southern African Development Community coalition of the Willing's military intervention in the Democratic Republic of Congo, 1998-2002.
(2012) Maeresera, Sadiki.; Uzodike, Nwabufo Okeke.
This study focuses on the premise that national interests of governments are the primary motivating factors that inform decisions on military interventions. Military strategy remains a principal tool in the attainment, pursuance and safeguarding of these interests. Military intervention is the last resort to a series of options that begin with and continue to inform the dynamic: diplomacy, policing, reliance on alliance action and finally, deterrent or pro-active military action. Military interventions in the 20th century have been undertaken at the multilateral, regional and sub-regional levels in given conflicts by a range of actors. Scholarly questions have been asked about the rationale behind the respective governments’ decisions to undertake these interventions. In the case of this study, which focuses on the SADC coalition of willing nations’ military intervention in the Congo conflict, questions have centred on the following: What was the rationale and motive that led governments of the three countries to undertake the decisions for military intervention in the Congo? Was the intervention an altruistic act by the intervening governments seeking to stop aggression of an ally or was it driven by the personal quests by leaders of these intervening countries to secure their share of the DRC mineral wealth? Or, was it merely a case of the three governments intervening as a coalition in pursuit of their varied interests? What was the strategy that this coalition adopted in pursuit of the member countries interests? It is this attempt to explain and determine the rationale and principal factors that informed the three countries’ decision to intervene in the conflict and the military strategy adopted to safeguard these interests that serve as the focal basis for this study. In trying to answer its key questions, this study uses historical and qualitative approaches in collecting and analysing data not only from both primary and secondary sources but also interviews with participants (some off the record as still serving). Thus, the findings of the research would be analysed critically within the framework of the core objectives of the study, which seek not only to identify and establish how the interests of the governments that intervened in the DRC conflict were the primary motivating factor that informed their decisions on military interventions, but also to ascertain the extent to which the SADC coalition’s military strategy became a principal tool in the attainment and safeguarding of these varying interests as well as how that strategy was utilised as a mechanism for the translation and development of these varying interests into common ones among the intervening countries. Lastly, the study seeks to offer policy suggestions on the execution of future military interventions in African conflicts, particularly at the SADC sub-regional level. Whilst literature on military interventions seems to be informed by realpolitik, with the notions by Barry Buzan (and others) that strong states take decisions to intervene when their geostrategic and economic interests are served, states can also militarily intervene for humanitarian purposes. Using the realist paradigm as a theoretical tool of analysis, the study noted that military intervention can best be understood in terms of the power and interests of particular nation states acting individually or collectively as a coalition using the brand of a sub-regional, regional or even international organisation with or without the mandate of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). An analysis is made on the scholarly legal debates surrounding the decision to intervene by the SADC coalition. The study generally established that the claimed interests that motivated the decisions by the respective governments were generally based on the political, economic and military/security dimensions. A critical evaluation of these respective interests of the interveners show that their interests shifted in regards to the levels of importance (that is primary and secondary level) at the initial stage of the intervention and during the intervention period. The coalition’s military strategy became a tool for attaining, securing and safeguarding of these respective interests. As part of the strategy, the SADC coalition’s Mutual Defence Pact acted as a political and legal guide in the promotion of complimentary and common interests of the interveners. Despite formulating such a military strategy, the unexpected longevity of the intervention impacted on the intervening countries’ logistical capacity to sustain the war effort. An initiative by the DRC government to enter into bilateral business ventures with the respective SADC countries and its awarding of mining concessions to the same was meant to be part, arguably, of sustaining the military intervention. However, this war time economic initiative has raised questions among scholars and policy practitioners on whether or not the decision for intervention by a coalition of these countries was basically underpinned by the quest to attain and safeguard national interests or it was aimed at promoting personal elite interests. Having taken note that the major findings of the study revolve around contentious primary issues relating to foreign policy decision making in the context of military intervention, a number of recommendations are made. These include: · Firstly, the undertaking of cost benefit analyses in regard to political, legal and economic matters prior to a nation’s decision for military intervention; · Secondly, the need for an appropriate and effective sub-regional mechanism guided by a sub-regional legal guide or tool for military intervention that would be utilised within the relevant AU and UN political and military framework; Finally a paradigm shift is needed in the conceptualization of what constitutes national interest. This includes a new theoretical thinking based on unilateral and multilateral military intervention in the present global order which should be based on the global or collective interest where maintenance of international peace, stability and security (more importantly human security) are of primary importance.
The effectiveness of re-integration of female ex-combatants : Rwanda as a case study.
(2013) Umurerwa, Rosemarie Aurore.; Okeke-Uzodike, Nwabufo Ikechukwu.
The disarmament, demobilization, reintegration and reinsertion of ex-combatants generally and female ex-combatants specifically constitute one of the most fundamental activities in the 1994 post-genocide and war period in Rwanda. Initiated in 1997, the Rwanda Demobilisation and Reintegration Commission (RDRC) had the task of supporting the effective social and economic reintegration of ex-combatants into civilian life so as to realise national security, reconciliation, development, and sustainable peace. The findings of this study show that there is a tendency to regard former combatants as a homogenous group, overlooking significant variations based on gender, age, disability, military ranking, education and vocational skills, which are found in even small groupings. This study found that the needs, capacities and expectations of former combatants tend to be wide ranging, depending on these specificities/characteristics. On the whole, the transition from reinsertion to reintegration is often marked by drawn-out processes, and considerable difficulty in catering to all beneficiaries and developing comprehensive programmes. The findings revealed that, as they re-join their former communities, female ex-combatants are often affected differently in terms of identity crises, stigma, stereotypes, trauma, vulnerability, and power relations within society through intra-house and social relations. Even though the RDRC has made some progress, it has become clear that more needs to be done to help female ex-combatants through the reintegration programme. From the viewpoints expressed by the respondents during focus group discussions, one can conclude that in the planning of reinsertion assistance, it is imperative that the overall socioeconomic dynamics and the challenge of poverty are factored in as key variables to minimize resentment and marginalisation of broader war-affected communities. This would ensure a better linkage between reinsertion and reintegration, contributing to the sustainability of the identity transformation of female ex-combatants.
Hegemonic order and regional stability in Sub-Saharan Africa : a comparative study of Nigeria and South Africa.
(2013) Olusola, Ogunnubi Rasheed.; Okeke-Uzodike, Nwabufo Ikechukwu.; Mngomezulu, Bhekithemba Richard.
Barely twenty years after the end of the Cold War, the international political system has experienced an unanticipated shift from a United States (US) led unipolar global order to a new order marked by its fresh wave of multiple competitors (Prys 2009:137). The global burden on the US had reciprocally inspired the appearance of a range of actors: regional (middle) powers such as Brazil, China, India and Russia; European Union (EU); South Africa and Nigeria. Consequently, an increasing level of expectation has been imposed on regional powers to provide the right leadership direction capable of promoting international stability and paving the way for development in these regions. In the light of the above, this thesis examines the implication of the hegemonic stability theory in understanding the power dynamics within Africa. In essence, the study specifically seeks to operationalize the concept of regional hegemony by drawing on insights from a comparative foreign policy study of African regional powers with emphasis on Nigeria and South Africa. Using largely qualitative and secondary data supplemented with primary data, the study examines the underlying assertions of a possible hegemonic influence of both countries and, thus, addresses the dearth of literature on regional power and leadership dynamics - particularly in Africa. Since the celebrated entry of South Africa into the African democratic arena, the resultant implication of this has been a change in the power, leadership and economic equations in Africa. From a theoretical projection of hegemonic stability theory, this study concludes that there is undeniable linkage between the foreign policies of Nigeria and South Africa and their hegemonic ambitions in the continent. However, by extrapolating the hegemonic stability theory at a regional level of analysis, the study finds very little empirical evidence to suggest the application of the theory at the regional level. While Nigeria and South Africa have been called upon repeatedly to play hegemonic roles within the continent, the study shows that both countries lack the conditions to effectively play such roles within a continent with major historical, internal and external constraints that puncture the possibility of a hegemonic influence. In short, hegemonic claim in Africa is mere (un)official rhetoric and lacks substance.
The problematic of women empowerment in Tanzania from 1984-2008.
(2008) Okafor, Nneka Ifeoma.; Jones, Alison Rae.
No abstract available.
Natural resources, profit and peace : multinational corporations and conflict transformation in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
(2014) Whetho, Ayo.; Jones, Alison Rae.; Uzodike, Nwabufo Okeke.
This study is anchored on the premise that contemporary international relations has been characterised by the expansion and growing importance of multinational corporations (MNCs) whose power and influence have had concomitant ramifications for national sovereignty and autochthonous socio-economic arrangements. Through their expansion and operations in host countries, MNCs are imbricated in activities or processes that may exacerbate socio-political traumas and development pathologies on one hand, and those that may facilitate transformative change on the other. In mineral-rich but conflict-prone environments, MNCs are directly or invariably drawn into conflicts in which access to natural resources is germane to attaining/sustaining the corporate objective of profit maximisation. To unpack these issues, the study uses a triangulation – natural resources, profit and peace – to interrogate the roles of MNCs in conflicts and the peace process in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) – a country whose ‘biography’ is steeped in conflict. The study relies on data gathered from three (3) focus group discussions (comprising 30 participants, mainly Congolese expatriates in South Africa), 71 in-depth interviews and 150 questionnaires administered in the DRC. Research findings suggest that MNCs in conflict zones such as the DRC are confronted with a choice: to engage in activities that exacerbate conflicts or contribute to peace processes. Corporate complicity in conflicts, which takes the form of illicit resource exploitation and the provision of financial assistance and logistical support to warring parties, lubricates war economies. By contrast, corporate actors make positive contributions in conflict settings through social responsibility projects and humanitarian programmes. Therefore, MNCs can be parties in conflict even as they can be agents of peace. MNCs – as powerful economic actors – are influential host environments, especially in weak states. State deflation gives corporations comparative advantage in the public sphere, thus making their activities – whether positive or negative – extremely significant. The DRC case shows that MNCs shape conflicts in terms of intensity, technological sophistication, longevity and the prospects for their attenuation. However, the study also reveals the potentialities of MNCs to contribute to peace, development and prosperity in host environments. Hence, the utility of mainstreaming corporate peacebuilding into business activities in conflict zones. Finally, the study – drawing from the findings – makes recommendations that address the deleterious consequences of the intricate connections of natural resources, business and conflicts. These recommendations relate to the reconstruction or restructuring of the state in Africa to make it developmental, with a view to mobilising its natural resources for national prosperity; and the consolidation of effective natural resource management and good political/economic governance, with an eye on issues such as anti-corruption, transparency in the extractive industry, and environmental sustainability. The study also recommends the emplacement of sub-regional mechanisms to bolster national capacities for combating illicit resource exploitation and trafficking; the creation of effective international certification schemes to regulate mineral exploitation and trade; and the development of a Pan-African regime for regulating corporate behaviour vis-à-vis conflict-sensitivity and the role of business in peacebuilding and development processes. Collectively, these recommendations not only offer roadmaps for resource-rich countries plagued by, or emerging from, conflicts, and those striving to circumvent the slide into the vortex of resource-related political instability but also prescribe policy choices that facilitate resource-driven development.
The politics of human trafficking in South Africa : a case study of the KwaZulu-Natal intersectoral task team and South African counter-trafficking governance.
(2013) Emser, Monique.; Francis, Suzanne.
Human trafficking is a complex phenomenon which obviates simple solutions. Although this is acknowledged in the literature and amongst anti-trafficking practitioners and policymakers, the existence of a dominant discourse at both the international and domestic level focuses on human trafficking for the purposes of sexual exploitation and prostitution to the detriment of other forms of trafficking in practice. Human trafficking and counter-trafficking in South Africa remain under-studied from all perspectives. In-depth knowledge and understanding of the phenomenon, as well as the efficacy and impact of responses, are required to formulate effective policies and strategies. Understanding the actors and complex governance structures involved in counter-trafficking, their interactions and their political agendas, and how this translates in practice in the South African context represents a gap in research on preventing and combating human trafficking in South Africa. This study makes a meaningful contribution to this body of research by analysing the actors involved in preventing and combating human trafficking and counter-trafficking governance in South Africa and the impact that politics (in the form of discourses and agendas) has on human trafficking approaches and responses. In this dissertation, I provide a better understanding of the politics of human trafficking in South Africa by deconstructing the international and South African human trafficking discourses and underlying agendas of state and non-state actors involved in counter-trafficking and assess the impact this has on counter-trafficking responses in practice. I examine the international and South African human trafficking legal and policy frameworks. I analyse and assess human trafficking governance and the way in which human trafficking is being combatted in South Africa from a complexity perspective, using the KwaZulu-Natal intersectoral task team as a case study, and provide insight into the role played by counter-trafficking networks in South Africa. I contend that dominant discourses and competing political agendas influence the trajectory of legislative and policy formulation and implementation, at both the international and domestic level, and ultimately counter-trafficking responses. In the South African context, the domestic discourse closely reflects the dominant international discourse. I claim that while the recently adopted comprehensive human trafficking legislation is expansive and victim-centred, like much other progressive legislation and policy in South Africa, implementation may prove problematic. I highlight a number of contentious issues surrounding the adopted legislation and examine the South African response to preventing and combating human trafficking in the form of its Tsireledzani programme and the national task team. I analyse and assess the efficacy of counter-trafficking governance in South Africa through the lens of the KwaZulu-Natal intersectoral task team. I argue that the strategic objectives of the task team, in the form of its 4P model based on prevention, protection, prosecution and partnerships, have been implemented relatively successfully. However, a number of constraints and challenges are observed, and recommendations are made for augmenting the impact and efficacy of counter-trafficking responses in KwaZulu-Natal. Cooperation and coordination are required for an integrated approach to counter-trafficking and effectively managing counter-trafficking governance in South Africa. I claim that counter-trafficking networks, formed primarily by civil society organisations, play an important role in counter-trafficking in the South African context. Linking networks through formalised cooperation and coordination, and leveraging their resources through knowledge management, information sharing and positive competition, are vital components for an effective, holistic response to human trafficking in South Africa. I argue that the disparate approaches to human trafficking have a marked effect on outcomes of counter-trafficking responses and have resulted in unintended consequences. This has the implication that although South Africa advocates a holistic approach to addressing human trafficking, the reality is a more fragmented approach which leads to a disproportionate amount of resources and effort being allocated to combating, preventing and assisting particular sub-populations of trafficking victims – namely women and children trafficked for the purposes of sexual exploitation. In addition, resources are spent keeping undocumented migrants and their traffickers out and male victims of trafficking, while officially acknowledged, tend to be overlooked in terms of victimology and assistance in practice.

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Browsing Doctoral Degrees (Political Science) by Date Accessioned