Doctoral Degrees (Political Science)

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Paradiplomacy as a capacity building strategy for good governance at the local level in South Africa.
(2023) Wilson, Osemoboh Regis.; Magam, Nolubabalo Lulu.
Governance in South Africa is plagued with a lot of challenges. This study names inept capacity as a primary challenge of governance as it is linked to a panoply of malaise from corruption to underdevelopment. The aim of the study is to explore how building good governance capacity can become part of the multipronged long-term solution to local governments’ distress. The argument is that capacity development for good governance at the local level should underpin reformation policies and efforts. Extensive evidence show that international organisations and donors provide support to developing countries in a manner that seeks to build institutional capacity and improve the quality of governance. As a manner of optimising such supports, this study makes a case that donors can collaborate with subnational entities to coproduce capacity and governance solutions tailored to the concerns of local communities through paradiplomacy. Paradiplomacy is global cooperation at a local level, with correlating positive impacts at a local level. Because of globalisation, supranational (e.g., The African Union, SADC, The European Union) authorities have emerged as crucial players in international relations; more so, territorial sovereignty gives way for more informal types of horizontal cooperation and structured interdependence between nation-states. Global problems have local impacts as such, but policies promulgated at supranational levels are often ineffective at the local level. This study adopts a qualitative approach as it interviewed key respondents from the KwaZulu-Natal Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs (KZN-CoGTA) to explore workable solutions by making case for how best to address the issue of reduced or deficit capacity among government actors. Such a problem has given rise to a plethora of challenges when it come to the implementation and efficient execution of policies in South Africa. The study found that as the state ceases to be the only actor in public action, paradiplomacy presents itself as a tool for enhancing local institutional capacity and concomitantly improve the quality of governance in South Africa.
An analysis of the role played by electoral stakeholders in the electoral process: a case study of Botswana and Zambia.
(2022) Sesa, Leonard Lenna.; Mngomezulu, Bhekithemba Richard.
Elections constitute one of the yardsticks used to determine the extent to which a country’s democracy has been consolidated. The involvement of electoral stakeholders is vital because it nurtures collaboration about the credibility of the elections. These stakeholders include civil society organizations, electoral experts, academia, religious organizations, youth, minorities and women, domestic and international observers. They fundamentally assist the electoral and participatory democracy to take root. An analysis of the role of electoral stakeholders in the elections in Zambia and Botswana is reported in this study. The overarching aim of the study was to evaluate the quality of elections in the two selected cases over the years; to ascertain the challenges faced by each of the two countries during the elections; and to determine the possible implications for the future of democracy in these countries. Underpinned by an indebt two tier theoretical approach, this study used a case study method adopted by Atkinson together with the democratic theory commonly applied in election studies. Furthermore, a mixed method research design was used to understand the perceptions of electoral stakeholders on their involvement in the Botswana and Zambia electoral processes. The findings of this study show that despite the minimal achievements that have been recorded on the management of the electoral processes, Botswana and Zambia have improved over the years. As a result, they have been labelled as shining democracies in the SADC region. The findings of this study also showed that the stakeholders’ perceptions on their involvement in Botswana and Zambia’s democracies are driven by both internal and external factors pertaining to their electoral management bodies that have the potential to affect the electoral processes as well as the level of trust in them and other institutions involved in the electoral processes. The study recommends that the legal basis of the Electoral Code of Conduct could be strengthened to widen the electoral commission powers to ensure compliance by all stakeholders.
Political apathy among South African and Namibian youth: a case study of the 2014 and 2019 national elections.
(2023) Kekana, Mbahare Johannes.; Chellan, Noel.
This research examines the impact of political apathy on electoral participation in Namibia and South-Africa, focusing on the 2014 and 2019 national election of both countries. The objectives are to ascertain and clarify the causes of political apathy in the electoral participation of youth of Namibia and South-Africa in their 2014 to 2019 general elections, and to examine the effect or influence of political apathy on the electoral process in both countries. The need of this research was presented out of the necessity to address the increasing rate of political apathy especially voter turnout in both democratic nations. The causes of political apathy in the two countries have been attributed to lack of mobilisation of the electorate, political marginalisation, corruption, lack of political accountability, lack of motivation, lack of trust in the electoral process, failed promises by political leaders, lack of civic engagements, political violence, thuggery and militarisation of the electoral process, political deception, powerlessness of votes etc. This study uses descriptive research design to determine the effect or influence on political apathy between 2014 and 2019 national elections in Namibia and South-Africa. Trends of political apathy in the two countries are ascertained using historical investigation. Data, especially secondary, are obtained from textbooks, journals, newspapers etc. Contents analysis helps in data presentation using statistical tools of classification and tabulation for evaluative purposes. This research recommended that political elite should exercise citizens’ mandate with transparency, honesty and responsibility and that dividends of democracy should be visible in the areas of poverty alleviation and employment generation. A free, fair, and credible electoral process devoid of political violence, thuggery and militarisation, would go a long way in revamping young citizens’ interests in political and electoral processes in both countries.
The Nigerian internal security policy : an assessment of the human security threats to Nigeria in the post – military era (2006 – 2021)
(2022) Uzomah, Hyginus Onyeaghala.; Khan, Sultan.
The Nigerian internal security policy is designed to deter all forms of real or perceived physical and human security threats to the people’s lives, property, interest and personal welfare. Since the post-military era, measures put in place to actualize this objective seems not to have yielded much needed outcomes. To understand this reality, this study examines the sources of internal security threat to Nigeria that are endemic across the country’s six geo-political zones. The study critically appraises the ideas, opinions and belief of the various public policy makers and stakeholders across academia, and civil society who form the study population, on the key threat to human security and the measures to address it The human security and securitization theories were the main ideas of human security that were advanced to elucidate the country’s human security issues. The study adopted a mixed method research approach where quantitative and qualitative information was sought. A sample of 95 participants was drawn from the identified strata within the study population in the Abuja Municipal Area Council (AMAC), while secondary data sources were also explored. The main sources of primary data collection were survey instruments (questionnaires) that engaged 60 participants, and in-depth interviews were conducted among 10 out of 35 participants due to the Covid-19 challenges. The study found that the present situation of human insecurity in Nigeria is abysmal, alarming, and scary, expressed in the high rate of crime, widespread of poverty, high rate of unemployment, economic inequality, and corruption. The study identified human displacement, human insecurity, lack of access to basic health, recurrent flood disaster and desperation for wealth as the major socio-economic consequences of human insecurity in Nigeria. The study recommends the decentralization of Nigerian internal security architecture, rehabilitation of victims of crime, legislation for education rights, and the formation of youth empowerment programs. In addition to effective economic development policy, the right to self-determination, de-emphasizing ethnic and religious sentiment and adherence to democratic principles and the rule of law, as part of measures to mitigate Nigerian internal human security. The study concludes that so long as the Nigerian authorities continue to prioritize physical security and infrastructure development over human security, welfare and wellbeing, the threat of human insecurity will remain unabated.
Exploring elites’ arrangement and national integration in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic: challenges of rotational presidency=Ukuhlola izilungiselelo zabaphezulu ngokwempilo kanye nokuhlanganiswa kukazwelonke embusweni waseNigeria wesine: izinselele zokushintshashintsha.kukamongameli.
(2022) Faluyi, Olumuyiwa Temitope.; Mtshali, Khondlo Phillip Thabo.
The Nigerian state is ethnically and religiously diverse and this plurality culminated in crises that have displaced many and claimed lives and property. The response of the government and political elites to address this political quagmire include federalism, constitutional conferences, the creation of states and local governments, revenue allocation formulas, the National Youth Service Corps, federal character principle, among other integrative policies. However, these mechanisms have not resolved the instability in the system. The country’s political system is overly centralised with sprawling presidential power. Given a divided political elite, competition for power in executive positions at all levels of the government has become intense. To this end, they exploit ethnic and religious sentiments to actualise their pecuniary interests. This often results in political violence orchestrated by the elites. This study focused on the rotational presidency as an integration tool. The study adopted the interpretive approach using the qualitative method for data collection and analysis. Twenty-two participants were purposively selected from the six geo-political zones, based on their vast knowledge of the Nigerian political system. They were interviewed face-to-face using semi-structured interviews. Interviews data were thematically analysed. The study revealed that a rotational presidency should not be jettisoned provided good leadership qualities are considered. The study used elite, integration, and relative deprivation theories as well as consociational and centripetal power sharing models as theoretical and conceptual frameworks. The study discovered that the political elites exploit rotational presidency and zoning to advance their interests, most often, by violent means. The study contended that failed integration processes have metamorphosed into feelings of deprivation because the political elites have failed to harness the principles for the intended purposes. The study recommends a rotational presidency combined with social, political, and economic restructuring. Other recommendations include revamping the educational system to boost cultural acceptability, accountability, and strong civil societies, among others. IQOQA Izwe laseNigeria laziwa ngokuba nezizwe eziningi ezahlukene kanye namabandla amaningi ahlukene, kanti lokhu kwehlukahlukana kuba nemiphumela engemihle nenze abantu abaningi balahlekelwa ngamakhaya kanye nezimpilo zabo. Ukubhekana nalezi zinkinga, ohulumeni abaningi bazamile ukuqhamuka nezixazululo, okufaka kuzona uhulumeni ohlukaniswe ngokuba nezifundazwe kodwa ube ulawulwa nguhulumeni owodwa omkhulu, ukuba nezinkomfa mayelana nomthethosisekelo, ukwakhiwa kohulumeni abaningi kanye nohulumeni basekhya, ukwakha izinhlaka zokuqoqa intela, izinhlaka zikaZwelonke zentsha, ukuxhumana kohulumeni abahlukene kanye nezinqubomgomo ezizama ukwakha ubumbano. Nokho, yonke le mizamo ayiphumelelanga ekuletheni uzinzo kohulumeni. Isimo sepolitiki ezweni sibonakala silawulwa kakhulu uhulumeni omkhulu futhi amandla amaningi anikezwa umongameli wezwe. Ukukhula kokungezwani kosopolitiki kwenza kube nokuncitisana okukhulu mayelana nokuthi ngubani ozoqhoqhobala amandla ombuso. Manje, kubonakala osopolitiki besebenzisa ukuhlukana kwezizwe nokwamabandla ukuze bafeze izinjongo zabo zepolitiki. Lokhu kuholela ekutheni kube nodlame lwezombusazwe oludalwa ngosopolitiki. Lolu cwaningo lubona ukudluliselwa kwamandla okuphatha komongameli njengethuluzi elihle lokwakha ubumbano. Lolu wucwaningo lwesimo oluyikhwalithethivu okukhiqizwe kulona imininingo kubahlanganyeli abangamashumi amabili nambili, abakhethwa ngokwenhloso emaqenjini ezombusazwe eyisithupha, bekhethwa ngenxa yolwazi lwabo olunzulu lwesimo sezepolitiki yaseNigeria. Kwabanjwa izingxoxo ezisakuhleleka ubuso nobuso nabo abahlanganyeli bocwaningo. Imininingo eyakhiqizwa yilezi zingxoxo ezisakuhleleka yahlaziywa ngokwezindikimba. Lolu cwaningo luveze ukuthi ukushintshaniswa kwamandla okuphatha omongameli akumele nje kuvele kunikezelwe kunoma ngubani kodwa kumele kube ngumuntu onamava okuphatha. Lolu cwaningo lusebenzise izinjulalwazi nohlaka lwemicabango okungabaphathi bezwe, ukubumbana, ithiyori yokuncishwa amandla, ukuphatha ngokuhlanganyela kanye nokuqoqela onke amandla endaweni eyodwa. Imiphumela yalolu cwaningo iveza ukuthi osopolitiki basebenzisa kabi ukushintshaniswa kwamandla okuphatha omangameli ukufeza ezabo izinhloso futhi lokhu bakwenza ngokusebenzisa udlame. Lolu cwaningo luveze ukuthi ukuhluleka ukwakha ubumbano kuletha isimo esingesihle emphakathini ngenxa yosopolitiki abahlulekayo ukwakha ubumbano. Lolu cwaningo luphakamisa ukuba kube nokushintshaniswa kwamandla okuphatha komongameli okuza nezinguquko enhlalenikahle yomphakathi, kwezepolitiki kanye nakwezomnotho. Ezinye iziphakamiso ukuthi kuthuthukiswe ezemfundo, ukubekezelelana kwezamasiko, ukubhekana nemiphumela yezenzo zosopolitiki, kanye nokuzibandakanya ngokuphelele kwezinhlaka zomphakathi, nokunye.
Climate change in Lagos State, Nigeria: a polycentric governance approach.
(2021) Akinola, Adekunle.; Magam, Nolubabalo Lulu.
Human-induced activities that cause climate change occur at multiple scales, yet, most climate governance mechanisms are designed at a single level, such as international, national or regional, which do not provide an effective solution. The international climate change governance regime under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) has failed to significantly impact the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions and its goal of limiting global mean temperature below 2 degree Celsius. This has led to the emergence of several multilateral, bilateral, subnational, transnational and non-state actors operating outside the UNFCCC. Elinor Ostrom refers to this development as a polycentric approach to climate governance. The literature on polycentric climate governance is growing. Scholars, however, have given significant attention to cities in the global North. This study offered an analysis of the efficacy and effectiveness of polycentrism to climate change governance in Lagos State, Nigeria. The study contributed to the growing body of literature on polycentrism by providing analytical insight into (i) What extent the national and international policies have addressed climate change in Lagos State; (ii) What role has been/can be played by subnational governments in climate change governance; (iii) How polycentrism can be employed to address climate governance in Lagos State; and (iv) How effective polycentric initiatives are in addressing climate change in Lagos State. The study was a single-case endeavour that utilised a concurrent mixed methodology for data collection. The quantitative data are elicited through an open-ended questionnaire while the qualitative data used in-depth interviews and purposive sampling technique to gather empirical data from government officials and community members. The study revealed that a single governance unit could not effectively provide adequate solutions to climate mitigation and adaptation issues in Lagos State. The study further showed that climate change is a polycentric issue that should be dealt with by multiple actors operating at different levels of governance. The study concluded that polycentrism provides an opportunity for experimentation and learning among governance units, and the involvement of different actors in climate change governance has resulted in multiple benefits at diverse levels.
Electoral fraud and the transition process in Ekiti State, Nigeria (2007-2015)
(2019) Adisa, Olalekan Ismaila.; Francis, Suzanne.
The conduct of elections has, in modern times, been debated. This is particularly so as it concerns the question of the credibility of the results and fairness of the process. Many African elections have been criticized due to non-adherence to democratic tenets and procedures. It has however been observed that the intermittent truncation of the democratic process in Nigeria between 1960 and 1999 was as a result of the inability of the political class to manage democratic transition effectively. It is in this context, and as a scholarly contribution of the third wave (Huntington, 1993), that this thesis explored the impacts of electoral fraud in the transition process in Ekiti State, Nigeria. The study explores the country’s challenges of transitioning from one democratic administration to another by using the Democratic Elite Theory and the Differential Association Theory as the explanatory theoretical framework. The study examined the role of political elites who use their wealth and influence to dictate political decisions and policies, and the transmission of criminal behaviors from one generation to the other as the major predisposing conditions for electoral fraud in the study area. While the former typified the Democratic Elite Theory, the latter was adopted as a corollary of the Differential Association Theory. The study adopted a mixed method research framework that combined interpretivism research philosophy, inductive research approach and both the descriptive and survey research designs. Analytical methods employed were both qualitative and quantitative. Findings showed that political elites and the executive arm of government, particularly the incumbent governments, exerted great influence on electoral outcomes in the study area through their promotion and support for electoral fraud and their stance of winning elections at any cost. Further, the study showed that the prevailing level of poverty in the study area led to a cultural reorientation that placed premium of financial inducement and ‘stomach infrastructure’. The perception of political stakeholders in the State on electoral fraud and democratic transition was also examined and recommendations to restore the sanctity of the electoral process and stabilize democracy in the study area, and Nigeria at large, were suggested.
Civil society organizations and democratic consolidation in Nigeria's fourth republic: an appraisal of Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC)
(2019) Ayegbusi, Talabi Rasheed.; Joseph, Rudigi Rukema.
The transition from military autocracy to democracy in Nigeria came after a tortuous, brave and determined struggle. Civil society organizations engaged in agitations and protests that led to the eventual withdrawal of the military from governance in Nigeria. However, after more than a decade and a half year of democratic experience, the rising hope among Nigerians is gradually fading away, giving way to apprehension and despondency. Whereas civil society is ubiquitous in academic and political discourse, labour unions are far less popular as subjects of analysis. It is in this context that this thesis examined critically the role of civil society organisation (with a special focus on Nigeria Labour Congress) in the democratic consolidation process in Nigeria’s fourth Republic. The study adopted the qualitative approach and group theory as the theoretical framework. The data for this research work was collected from both primary and secondary sources. The primary data were collected through interviews with relevant stakeholders on labour and democratic issues. A total of twenty-eight (28) respondents were interviewed using interview schedule. The secondary data for the study were derived from books, journal articles, magazines and newspaper articles, reliable and verifiable internet materials. While primary data obtained were analysed using the combination of both the manual qualitative method and the Computer-Aided Qualitative Data Analysis Software (CAQDAS), the existing data used were subjected to substantive and extensive analysis through the instrumentality of content validity, content analysis and textual criticism. The study noted that Nigeria Labour Congress (as a member of civil society organizations) played significant roles in the transition from military autocracy to electoral democracy. The study also noted that while the aftermath of the transition had attracted some concerted efforts from organized labour geared towards democratic consolidation, the momentum of the struggle, as well as the vibrancy of labour unions in Nigeria, is not satisfactory. The findings of this study are largely base on fieldwork which is a significant departure from desk analysis that has defined most works on the phenomenon. In order to enhance the effectiveness of organized labour in Nigeria, the study recommended that: first, the issue of centralized trade unionism should be constitutionally restored; second, the government should restrain itself from interfering in matters that are strictly internal to the unions and lastly, the leaders should not be partisan in politicking.
Political elites and democratic institutions in South Africa since 2004.
(2019) Umoh, Samuel Uwen.; Francis, Suzanne.
This is a study, through extensive empirical fieldwork research, of political elites and democratic institutions in South Africa from 2004-2018. The study examines the dynamics, roles and challenges of political elites in shaping democratic institutions in South Africa through an examination of the National Assembly. These roles cut across plenary debates, the passage of bills and committee functions. Through the frameworks of democratic elite theory, the political and social composition, attitudes, values and party roles of the elected members of the parliament are discussed. The study also examines the structure, composition, and functions of committees in the parliament. The study explores the roles and functions of elites using qualitative methodology to gather data through interviews and observations. Twenty-five elected members of the South African Parliament were interviewed for the study. The findings of the study also demonstrate that committees are the engine room of the Parliament. The cross-party nature of committees with different MPs from various parties offers an atmosphere for members to actively participate in debate and recommendations transparently. The findings of the study also show that ideological values are a key factor in the recruitment of MPs and determine to a large extent how MPs coalesce around particular value systems and the type of attitudes MPs display in the Parliament. The study recommends that for effectiveness and efficiency of the parliament three steps must be taken. Firstly, the appointment of an independent speaker is essential to promote fairness in parliamentary debates and enhance democracy without party influence. Secondly, the parliamentary rules need to be reviewed particularly in terms of the discipline of MPs and to curb the unruly behaviour of MPs. Thirdly, for effective checks and balances of MPs, MPs should not occupy ministerial offices.
A critical investigation into the diplomatic relations between post-apartheid South Africa and India.
(2021) Moroe, Jacob.; Kaya, Hassan Omari.; Mutula, Stephen M.
The study made a critical investigation into the diplomatic relations between post-apartheid South Africa and India, using qualitative and quantitative research methods. The major arguments were based on the following aspects: First, Post-apartheid South Africa and India have shared good bilateral relations since 1994 and constantly aim to expand and diversify their trade and economic relations. However, it would seem the two countries have not fully exploited the potential role of the private sector and civil society in their relations, despite their vibrant private sectors and civic societies. Second, although South Africa and India have, since 1994, proclaimed themselves as partners for development, very limited critical interrogation has been made on the prospects and challenges embedded in their economic diplomatic relations regarding their bilateral and multilateral engagements. Both share membership in various organizations including BRICS, IBSA, UN, amongst others. They continue to make use of their membership in these groupings to advance national interests. Third, diplomatic relations between India and South Africa after 1994 have to consider the global shifts in political and economic power relations due to multipolarity. The study revealed that the historical relations between the African National Congress (ANC) and the Indian Congress Party (ICP) influenced the cordial diplomatic relations between the two countries in the post-apartheid South Africa. Fourth: there are contentious views on the position of Mahatma Gandhi regarding the historical racial relations between Indians and Africans in South Africa, and that he was more concerned about the freedom of South African Indians, and not black South Africans. However, there is a general acknowledgement that South African Indians contributed greatly to the socio-economic and political development of South Africa. The economic bilateral relations between the two countries have flourished since the end of apartheid, with India holding the most potential. However, they are yet to make use of available opportunities such as the involvement of private sector and civil society in their relations. The study recommends that both countries should take advantage of their complementarities and comparative advantages for mutual benefits.
Gender and climate change adaptation in South Africa: a case study of vulnerability and adaptation experiences of local black African women to flood impacts within the eThekwini Metropolitan Municipality.
(2020) Udo, Fidelis Joseph.; Naidu, Uma Maheshvari.
This dissertation contributes towards the scholarly debate on gender and climate change adaptation. This is done by exploring the vulnerability and adaptation experiences of local Black Africans to impacts of floods within eThekwini metropolitan municipality, KwaZulu- Natal Province, South Africa. Specifically, the discourse in the dissertation is framed within the context of being a local Black South African woman living in rural/informal flood-prone area of Durban and having to negotiate everyday lived experiences while adapting to impacts of floods and other climate-related disasters. The dissertation is premised on the assumption that local women’s experiences of vulnerability and adaptation to climate-related impacts is significantly influenced by socioeconomic, cultural, sociopolitical, gendered, racial and other significant factors of power relations largely operating within the local context. The dissertation applied a qualitative case study approach to research. Primary data for the study was collected through semi-structured in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with Black women from Inanda, Ntuzuma, KwaMashu (INK) and uMlazi localities of eThekwini metropolitan municipality. Purposive sampling was used to select local Black women who have had experiences adapting to flood impacts within the area. Personnel from the Environmental Planning and Climate Protection Department, ECPCD of the eThekwini metropolitan municipality were also interviewed. Data collection processes sought to garner data relating to the women’s experiences of vulnerability and adaptation to flood impacts, as well as how the municipality addresses gendered vulnerability of Black women within the municipality to floods and other climate change-related disasters. The study adopted a thematic content analysis and was informed by three theoretical lenses: feminist political ecology, critical realism and the Theory of Change. These theories enabled an understanding of how gender intersects with race and class to shape Black women’s experiences as they adapt to climate impacts, as assessed within the contexts presented in this study. The study found that while Black women negotiate their climate adaptation experiences from their varied individual standpoints, their overall adaptation experiences are further shaped by factors related to poverty, lack of ‘intentionally gendered’ approach to adaptation governance in the municipality, as well as socio-cultural normalisation of patriarchal tendencies by men against women which heightens the vulnerability Black women experience in adapting to flood impacts. To address the contextual vulnerability experiences of the women in the context of the study, the study recommends a collaborative governance model that intentionally seeks to address gendered vulnerability from the women’s varied contextual standpoints.
The African Union and the United Nations cooperation on peacekeeping in Africa.
(2020) Fafore, Olumide Adetokunbo.; Mtshali, Khondlo Phillip Thabo.
The African Union (AU) in response to the many violent conflicts that had erupted on the continent endorsed the agreement with regards to the formation of a Peace and Security Council (PSC) in Durban in July 2002 and this became operational as the African Union Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) in December 2003. The AU has sought to develop capacities for peacemaking, peacekeeping and peace building to deal with endemic conflict on the continent, but all of these is limited in their reach and effect. The AU has noted the challenges to its peacekeeping efforts, therefore cooperation with the United Nations has been one way to address these challenges. The African Union and the United Nations are presently collaborating in peace keeping missions in Somalia (AMISOM), Darfur (UNAMID) and the Central African Republic (MINUSCA). This thesis focused on AU peacekeeping capacity and specifically on how the cooperation between the AU and UN, has worked in practice and contributes to the discussion on peacekeeping operations as an effective mechanism of resolving conflicts in Africa. This thesis accessed new areas such as the strategic nature of the African state, international interest and involvement in the AU-UN peacekeeping operations in Darfur, Somalia and CAR, legitimacy issues, such as the local ownership of the peace operations, impact of Armed no state actors on peacekeeping operations in Africa, using Somalia, Sudan (Darfur) and the Central African Republic where the AU and UN are involved in cooperative peacekeeping operations to assess that. This thesis adopted a case study and qualitative paradigm which involved a structured gathering , presentation, analysis of data on the effectiveness of the African Union and the United Nations peacekeeping operations in Somalia, Sudan (Darfur) and the Central African Republic and adopted the collective security theory as its theoretical framework. This thesis finds out that seven factors such as funding, mandates that are clear and achievable, the doctrines of the United Nations peacekeeping, external actors, regional dimension of the conflict, issues of legitimacy, acceptance, local ownership, the roles of Africa’s regional economic communities and coordination between them and the African Union, the activities of armed non-state actors impacted significantly on the effectiveness of the peacekeeping operations of the African Union and the United Nations in Africa. This thesis recommends increased collaboration and coordination amongst the African Union, the United Nations and Africa’s regional economic institutions.
Democratic consolidation and electoral violence: an analysis of Kogi State, Nigeria and KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa 1994-2017.
(2019) Yusuf, Ibrahim.; Mutereko, Sybert.
Since the introduction of electoral democracy in South Africa in 1994 after the demise of apartheid, and Nigeria in 1999 following years of military interregnum, democracy has been threatened by many factors, among which election violence is one of them. However, elections in Kogi State, Nigeria and KwaZulu-Natal Province of South Africa have been plagued by political intrigue, manipulation, violence and destruction. Although tireless efforts are being made to consolidate democracy in Nigeria and South Africa, election violence appears to be impeding this effort. This study "Democratic Consolidation and Electoral Violence: An Analysis of Kogi State, Nigeria and KwaZulu-Natal Province of South Africa 1994-2017" sought to understand the extent to which election violence undermines democratic consolidation. The study adopted a qualitative research approach using case studies. A structured interview and focus group discussion (FGD) was used to gather data from ten locations- five each from Kogi State and KwaZulu-Natal, respectively. Twenty people were interviewed for this study, among whom the participants included politicians and electorates. In addition, three focus group discussions were conducted in equal proportions: two in KwaZulu-Natal and one was carried out in Kogi State. Thematic and descriptive analyses were both used in aiding to the analysis of the data from this study. Results obtained from the study revealed that election violence undermines the consolidation of democracy in Kogi State and KwaZulu-Natal. Also identified is that election violence affects the pace and space of democratic consolidation in Nigeria and South Africa. Similarly, election violence does not only affect the credibility of elections but is also responsible for the quality of leadership and governance in Nigeria and South Africa. Adding to this constraint is the incorporation of Africa into the international capitalist world through colonialism which is why conflict and electoral violence in Africa cannot be divorced from the current relations with the international system, especially the capitalist west. The study further discovered that most of the politicians in Nigeria and South Africa lack the required qualifications, both political and educational qualifications, and the competence to rule, which best explains the irrational behaviour among the political elite. The study then recommends that election violence must be addressed; the current relations with the West would need to be reviewed and that all politicians must be properly educated headlong if Nigeria and the Republic of South Africa want to make inroads into democratic consolidation.
Assessing conflict resolution and peace building strategies in democratic systems: a study of Yobe State, Nigeria 2009-2017.
(2020) Abideen, Abeeb Muhammed.; Joseph, Rudigi Rukema.
Since 2009, there has been an increasing spate of violent conflicts in the North-Eastern part of Nigeria. The crises have defied several efforts aimed at resolving them and now require urgent attention from all stakeholders to find a lasting solution. The Boko Haram insurgency and other terrorists’ activities, especially the Fulani Herdsmen/farmers’ conflict has resulted in a humanitarian crisis in which over 20,000 people have been killed and about 2.6 million displaced with property worth millions of Naira destroyed. The crises which are now extending to other parts of Nigeria and the sub-region of West Africa needs to be handled with all seriousness before the situation gets out of hand. Several strategies have been employed in resolving the crises, such as the use of the military, legal adjudication, setting up of dialogue committee, legislative approach and proposed granting of amnesty to the insurgents and terrorist groups. However, all these measures have not been able to resolve the crises. This research work assessed the different strategies that have been employed to stem the crises in the North-East with a view to identifying the loop-holes and bottlenecks that have deterred or hindered the resolution of the conflicts. Survey method was employed in the collection of data through the instrumentality of questionnaire. “Interviews were conducted in order to get first-hand information about the root causes of the conflicts from the people at the grassroots who are most affected by the crises. It is hoped that a thorough understanding of the causes, as well as, obstacles hindering the resolution of the conflicts will provide a headway toward finding alternative strategies such as the South Africa Truth Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and other Afro-centric strategies that could be combined with renewed democratic strategies towards finding lasting solutions to the lingering problems that have been on for over a decade and threatening the corporate existence of the country. Findings revealed the urgent need to reappraise the current counter insurgency strategies and money laundering Acts which are the major strategies employed in resolving the ongoing conflicts, “Whilst employing alternative strategies (hybridization) with more focus on political economy approach which centres on addressing the root cause of conflicts such as poverty, unemployment, inequality and with emphases on preventive methods to conflict resolution and peace building.
The burden of the future: an exploration of the aftermath of violent conflict in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (1996-2007)
(2019) Dunia, Heri Mugisha.; Francis, Suzanne.; Francis, Michael Douglas.
This study explores the aftermath of protracted social conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) through a historical lense in the Kabare district, precisely in Mulungu, Lwiro and Katana where research centres are located. A qualitative research paradigm was used to determine the nature and extent of protracted violence on the economy and the society. The sampling area involved the three research centres along with their direct vicinities. One hundred in-depth interviews with three focus groups followed by participant observation were used in this study in order to generate rich data. Purposive sampling technique was used to identify relevant respondents to which a snowball sampling method was added to help reach more interviewees. The findings of this study reveal that the numerous crisis that the country has gone through from the Leopoldian era right to the present are explained by the pursuit of the 1885 Berlin Protocol. Here international powers agreed on using the Congo as a carrefour for international commerce to enlarge their markets as well as to advance their commercial agenda while simultaneously using it as a digging ground of raw material required to boost industries in the West at the cost of the blood, sweat and misery of the Congolese people. The state failures from the Congo Free State to the Democratic Republic of Congo, coupled with the protracted social conflict that seats the culture of violence within the structures, institutions as well as the Congolese social fabric; are the result of the application of the 1885 Berlin Protocol that set the Congo to be an ever-open market for world leaders rather than a modern nation-state. The study concludes in demonstrating that unless the 1885 Berlin Protocol is reviewed and changed completely to allow the Congo to organize itself as a modern nation-state that will deal at equal terms of trade with Western countries, peace will remain illusory in the DRC and the innocent Congolese will continue to die in the process.
The politicisation of election litigation in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic.
(2020) Oni, Ebenezer Oluwole.; Mtshali, Khondlo Phillip Thabo.
Since the early 1990s, the third wave of democratisation has permeated the polity of almost all the African states as authoritarian regimes are replaced with democratic governments through the ballot process. Therefore, in line with the prevailing realities across Africa as well as in other formerly autocratic and closed systems in Asia and Latin America, participatory government was re-introduced in Nigeria in 1999. The use of regular and periodic election as a means of regime change became apparent. However, the conduct of general elections in Nigeria since 1999 has been marred with myriad of controversies thus triggering electoral disputes. This shifts the burden of ensuring free and fair elections and by extension sustaining democracy on the judiciary. This duty, the judiciary performs in the manner it handles and adjudicates over disputes arising from electoral contests. Recent developments in Nigeria have shown that electoral fraud has transcended the casting of votes and has permeated the judicial arm of government. The judiciary is not immune from manipulations by political elite in order to secure electoral victory through the courts when electoral contests shift from the polling booths to the ‘temple of justice’. It is therefore in the light of this development that this study examines the politicisation of election litigation in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic using the 2007 general elections and the ensuing gubernatorial election litigation cases in Ekiti, Ondo and Osun states of Nigeria as case studies. The study fills the gap in litereature which focuses research attention on electoral fraud around issues relating to voting. The theoretical framework for this study was eclectic combining three theories namely elite, state fragility and separation of power theories. For the purpose of this study, qualitative research methodology using case-study design was adopted. The 2007 general election was selected for study using Ekiti, Ondo and Osun states as case studies using the non-probabilistic sampling technique. Purposive sampling method was employed in the selection of research sites and participants. Instrument for data collection was through the use of In-depth Interview (IDI) complemented by data from documented sources. Data from interviews conducted were transcribed and interpreted using thematic content analysis. Data from both primary and secondary sources were systematically, objectively and descriptively analyzed making valid textual inferences from them by identifying specific characteristics as they relate to the manipulation of the judicial process of resolving electoral disputes to secure electoral victory through the courts. Research findings revealed that a combination of financial inducements, executive control through the appointment of judges, power of incumbency, delay tactics, promise of promotion and fear of persecution within and outside the judiciary were strategies political elite used in manipulating the judicial process of resolving electoral disputes to secure and/or retain electoral victories through the courts when they initially failed at the ballots. Finally, conclusions were drawn from the findings of the study and discernible recommendations made on how to reform the electoral process and the justice system of resolving disputed electoral outcomes in order to achieve democratic consolidation in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic.
An interrogation of service delivery by the Department of Home Affairs towards immigrants exploring the possibility of afrophobia within xenophobia: a case study of the Durban regional Department of Home Affairs.
(2018) Umeh, Akachukwu Darlington.; Nadvi, Syeda Lubna Bano.
This study was premised on the knowledge that the positive socio-economic image of a democratic government depends largely upon the humanistic effects of its policy, implementation and conduct of those that implement (those saddled with the responsibility of implementation of the policy) on one side, and the perceptions of its citizenry and immigrants regarding the acceptable standards of services offered by the departments on the other side. The argument of the study is that what is widely regarded as xenophobia in South Africa is way beyond that, as most migrants who bear the brunt of this ugly phenomenon are presumably and mostly people of colour (black African immigrants). It is therefore of crucial importance that government departments act equitably, justly and fairly to all and sundry, and not only pay lip service to transparency and openness. Socio-economic development vis-à-vis good governance is an elusive commodity if it does not address the ills of its society such as marginalisation and uneven allocation of the common wealth of the nation. Adherence to these principles will guarantee the provision of excellent services that meet the people’s needs and expectations, enhance customer satisfaction, while upholding the government’s promise that access to decent public services is no longer a privilege to be enjoyed by a few, but the rightful expectation of all citizens inclusive of other nationals residing within its borders. What separates non-nationals is the degree to which exclusion is both bureaucratically institutionalised and socially legitimatised. In all cases, it is not only the material acts of marginalisation that matters; imprisonment, denial of services, or harassment (eg. recent 2016/2017 Operation Fiela) but also the nationalist discourse evoked to legitimise and explain them. From the literature review, it is evident that improved public service delivery depends on several aspects ranging from policy making and implementation, Human Resource Development (HRD), training and re-training, to performance measurement and accountability. The need for improving the efficiency and effectiveness of the public services cannot be over-emphasised throughout the various pieces of legislation. Questionnaires and interviews were used to generate, collate data and to gain an understanding from the perspective of the black African immigrants. Both quantitative and qualitative approaches as well as methods triangulation was adopted in the analysis of the collated data, which revealed to a greater extent that the popularly held perception of black African immigrants in South Africa is that they are relatively deprived in terms of quality of service delivery at the Department of Home Affairs, as a result of their vulnerability. Hence, the Theory of Relative Deprivation, Social Comparison and Afrophobia informs an explanation for the phenomenon and underpinned issues regarding why, how and to whom xenophobia manifests. The key findings are that, firstly, migrants’ experiences with officials were predominantly negative. Secondly, the primary basis for differential treatment of migrants was their foreignness, regardless of their nationality. The findings are not only beneficial to the participants (black African immigrants), political actors saddled with the responsibility of policy-making, but also to the South African government and all public-sector institutions dealing with migration policy and immigrants in particular. The recommendations of the study are not to negate but rather to challenge for alternative ways to achieve the status quo. The bottom-up approach in engagement with migration policy formulation and implementation is most sacrosanct.
Examining intergovernmental relations in Nigeria’s Second Republic (1979-1983) and the Fourth Republic (1999-2007): insights from selected states in the South West, Nigeria.
(2019) Adedire, Solomon Adebayo.; Mtshali, Khondlo Phillip Thabo.; Fagbadebo, Omololu Michael.
This study is an empirical research work that employed the use of primary and secondary data to interrogate the nature of intergovernmental relations in Nigeria’s Second and Fourth Republics with insights drawn from Osun, Oyo, Ondo, Lagos and Ekiti states in South Western Nigeria. Primary data were collected through a field survey and public documents. Sources of secondary data include texts, journals, newspapers, and other published literature. A hybrid of two models, the overlapping-authority model and the coordinate-authority model, was adopted to analyse the authority structure of different political actors saddled with different constitutional responsibilities. The findings of the study revealed that the central government has more fiscal power for policy direction, than the subnational levels of government. The empirical analysis showed structural imbalance in Nigeria’s federalism, which constituted obstacle to federal stability. In addition, the central government has the prerogative to legislate on matters under the exclusive legislative list, which defines the nature of power relations between the central government and the government of the subnational units. The increase in the number of the subnational units from 19 to 36 states in the 1979 and 1999 constitutions respectively, and the expanded expenditure obligations, weakened the revenue base of the subnational levels of government. The subnational levels, in the Fourth Republic, unlike those of the Second Republic, are less viable. This development weakened their fiscal strength for effective service delivery, because they lacked fiscal resources to fulfil their expenditure obligations. The federal government retains the bulk of government revenue. Additionally, appointments to public offices did not reflect the federal character. Through the exploration of the provisions of the 1979 and 1999 constitutions, there existed discrepancies between the constitutional provisions and their practice. The attitudes and behaviours of the actors at different levels of government were not in tandem with the constitutional provisions, with clear evidence of outright violation of the rule of law. The study, therefore, recommends the need to reassess intergovernmental fiscal relationship, strengthen the mechanisms and institutions for intergovernmental policy coordination, reliance on economic expert for effective service delivery, obedience to law, and maximization of states resources as a way of improving federal-state-local relations.
Decolonization, class struggles and economic empowerment in post-colonial states: an appraisal of Zimbabwe's post independence indigenization project in the mining sector.
(2019) Nkala, Sizo.; Mtshali, Khondlo Phillip Thabo.
This study is an exposition of Zimbabwe’s post-independence indigenization and economic empowerment policy, with a specific focus on how the policy unfolded in the country’s mining sector. The indigenization policy was adopted as a conscious strategy towards overcoming Zimbabwe’s historical legacy of settler colonialism. The colonial government’s systematic racial discrimination and policy of separate development meant that the post-colonial government inherited a society characterized by gross economic and social inequalities along racial lines. In this, black citizens played a marginal role in the country’s economy and were scarcely represented across the main sectors, particularly in the minerals industry. Hence the government’s insistence that the indigenous population, defined as those and the descendants of those who experienced systematic discrimination before independence in 1980, control at least 51 percent of the major economic enterprises across all sectors of the economy. As such, through the lenses of state power, class relations and Zimbabwe’s position in the world-system, this study problematized the conceptualization and the implementation of the policy as it unfolded in the country’s mining sector. It sought to identify the factors that determined the process and the outcomes of the indigenization policy in the said sector. The study used a qualitative methodological approach. Data was gathered through in-depth interviews and email correspondence with government officials, private sector players, academics, mineworkers, activists and journalists. Purposive sampling was used to identify and reach key participants. Documentary and online material including government reports, videos, social media statements from verified accounts of government officials and scholars were also key sources of data.The findings of the study demonstrate that the indigenization policy in the mining sector was, by and large, unsuccessful. The large-scale mining sector is still dominated by an oligopoly of a few powerful foreign-owned companies. Numerous attempts at indigenous takeover (dominated by politicians) of foreign-owned mining failed because of lack of capital. Out of the 61 Community Share Ownership Trusts (CSOTs) established as vehicles through which rural peasant communities could gain 10% share ownership in mining companies, only one Trust actually had shares transferred to it. Further, only one mining company transferred shares to the workers under the Employee Share Ownership Trust (ESOT) scheme. The artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) sector which comprises predominantly indigenous players has been thoroughly disempowered and disenfranchised by the state. The study cites the weak state, and Zimbabwe’s position in the world-system as a peripheral player among some of the major determinants of these outcomes. An absent indigenous bourgeoisie and the disorganized working class, ASM players and peasant communities immobilized by state repression meant that the politicians dominated the indigenization policy. Key words: Indigenization, Empowerment, Decolonization, Class, Zimbabwe
Investigating the performance of land restitution projects: a case study of Richmond, KwaZulu-Natal.
(2019) Chetty, Robert.; Zulu, Paulus Mzomuhle.
The land question is significant for South Africans on many levels. Enhancing and improving the productive capacity of land to achieve developmental gains has taken on particular importance in the face of food security needs and world economic challenges. However, post-apartheid land reform and rural development policies have had negligible impacts on the livelihoods of land reform beneficiaries. The few success stories stand in stark contrast to the majority of settled claims where little or no productive activity is taking place and few, if any, benefits have yet accrued to beneficiaries. This study has sought to interrogate the ways in which beneficiaries of land-based restitution awards have responded to the inherent difficulties in building sustainable and productive agricultural enterprises. The qualitative case studies - consisting of seven restitution claims located in Richmond, KZN - explore whether and how beneficiaries are utilising their newly acquired land, and attempts to gauge how the restitution of land has affected their livelihood opportunities. In most cases, the settled claims are not delivering immediate livelihood benefits to claimant communities. The gap between the ambitious promise of land restored and the reality on the ground is attributable to both structural and micro-level factors. Despite the seemingly intractable challenges however, through following a diversity of income-generation strategies, some beneficiary groups are making a success of their newly acquired land mindful of the fact that livelihood benefits will have to be deferred for some time as projects wobble onto their feet. The study concludes that in undoing the legacy of land dispossession and improving livelihoods of beneficiaries, solutions to the land question must address both the agrarian structure driven as it is by neo-liberal agricultural policies at the macro level as well as pervasive micro level dynamics of internal conflicts, resource constraints and weak accountability mechanisms. Improving the sustainability of land reform projects is important, as doing so will not only realise the goal of achieving much-needed socially just and equitable rural development but will also improve food security, develop local economies, provide employment and support broader economic development.

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